ADA Watch

ADA Watch ADA Watch is a project of the Coalition for Disability Rights & Justice. See: ADAWatch.org Disability Rights Program.

ADA Watch monitors threats to the civil and human rights of people with disabilities under the Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA) and other vital protections. Our Mission:

Our mission is to unite national, state and local disability, civil rights, and social justice organizations in coalition to defend and advance the human rights and dignity of Americans with disabilities. Our Vision:

We bel

ieve in an America that provides for the safety, civil rights, and life needs of its citizens with disabilities across the spectrum of community, including but not limited to access to housing, health care, employment, education, transportation, political involvement, and public spaces. Our Values:

We believe everyone, regardless of real or implied differences, deserves to be included, respected, valued, supported, listened to, and loved. We believe federal, state, and local legislative priorities should address and aim to resolve disability-related barriers to equity and inclusion across all aspects of living, including (but not limited to) safety, housing, education, employment, healthcare, transportation, communication, and public access. We believe federal, state, and local budgeting priorities should reflect a balanced distribution of resources that positively affect the community-focused inclusion, health, and value of citizens living with disabilities. We recognize the intersectionality of marginalization and value efforts to build cross-cultural coalitions to address common issues and disparities. Our History:

Comprised of hundreds of national, state and local disability, human rights and social justice organizations, ADA Watch/CDRJ was launched while founder Jim Ward was the Director of Public Policy at the National Disability Rights Network (NDRN) under the leadership of Curtis Decker. Ward, a clinical social worker and former elected official, got his start in upstate New York assisting individuals with developmental disabilities transitioning to the community from abusive institutions like Willowbrook, whose expose by Geraldo Rivera in the '70s led to the passage of protection and advocacy laws for people with disabilities. Disability Rights icon Justin Dart, Jr. – the “Father of the ADA” – was the founding chair. Patrisha Wright – the disability community’s ADA “General” – served in key leadership roles. National Advisory Council members from the disability and larger progressive community have included Judy Huemann, Bob Kafka, Ralph Neas, Wade Henderson, Nan Aaron, Bobby Coward, Marca Bristo, Marcie Roth, Tony Coelho, and many other leaders. Our coalition members have included ADAPT, American Association of People with Disabilities (AAPD), AARP, Bazelon Center for Mental Health Law, Consortium for Citizens with Disabilities (CCD), Disability Rights Education and Defense Fund (DREDF), Leadership Conference on Civil and Human Rights (LCCHR), National Disability Rights Network (NDRN), People For the American Way (PFAW)

Current Funding:

The Ford Foundation, an American private foundation with the stated goal of advancing human welfare, selected ADA Watch and the National Coalition for Disability Rights (NCDR) as one of the first recipients of their new U.S. Embracing the disability community’s motto of “nothing about us without us,” Ford’s grant-making strategy in the disability community has been guided by more than 200 disability leaders across the United States. “This is not about charity or inspiration,” says Rebecca Cokley, who leads the new program as Ford program officer in the president’s office, “It’s about justice.”

The Social Good Fund serves as our 501c3 fiscal sponsor and provides back-end support for all our programs. The Social Good Fund works to create and establish positive influences for individuals, communities, and the environment. The goal is to sponsor and develop projects that will help positively impact and develop local communities into healthier and happier places to live, work, and be.

06/17/2026

The Autism Society of America opposes today’s announcement by the Department of Education to move special education and civil rights enforcement out of the agency. For decades, Congress, across party lines, has kept these programs united under one roof.

Dismantling this system fragments the critical journey from school to employment, putting nearly 1 million autistic students at risk of falling through bureaucratic cracks.
We must protect the rights and futures of our students.

Read our full statement: https://bit.ly/4vhDZiJ

06/17/2026

Can disabled people sue a federal agency that discriminates against them? That question is now before the D.C. Circuit.

The ability to challenge discrimination, hold institutions accountable, and speak truth to power has been central to every major disability rights victory that has brought us closer to lives free of discrimination and oppression. From accessible transportation and education to community living and effective communication, progress has happened because disabled people can fight against rights violations in court.

DREDF and Fox & Robertson authored an amicus brief, now joined by eight other disability rights organizations, in support of a National Association of the Deaf - NAD case that goes far beyond access to ASL interpreters at White House press briefings. At stake is whether disabled people can continue to hold federal agencies accountable by taking them to court when they face disability discrimination.

Learn more: https://dredf.org/nad-v-trump-2026-amicus-brief/

American Association of People with Disabilities Autistic Women & Nonbinary Network Communication First Disability Law United Disability Rights Bar Association Justice In Aging Paralyzed Veterans of America

06/16/2026
06/15/2026

The Problem Was Never the Silos

There is a sentence I have heard for most of my forty-five years in the disability rights and justice movement: “We have to break down the silos.” It surfaces whenever people feel disconnected — across disabilities, generations, organizations, geographies, and strategies. Wherever people encounter boundaries, someone eventually concludes that the boundaries themselves are the problem.

The impulse is understandable. It is also, I have come to believe, wrong.

The disability rights movement was never supposed to be one thing. In some movements, fragmentation is evidence of weakness; in ours, decentralization was built into the architecture. Centers for Independent Living, Protection and Advocacy systems, developmental disability networks, self-advocacy organizations, direct-action groups, legal advocates, researchers, and service providers each emerged for different reasons, under different laws, through different funding streams, in response to different needs. The diversity was not a bug in the design.

It was the design.

What we keep calling “silos” is often something healthier: specialization. A mature ecosystem develops specialization because different problems demand different forms of expertise. A healthy forest contains trees, fungi, insects, birds, rivers, and soil, and none performs the function of the others. Their strength comes not from sameness but from difference. The movement is no different.

So the problem is not that we have different communities. The problem is that those communities often cannot learn from one another. Across the country, people are winning local victories, building coalitions, collecting data, training leaders, and preserving hard-earned lessons — and much of that knowledge stays trapped inside organizations, states, disability constituencies, and personal networks. A developmental disability advocate in Indiana may have no idea that a blind activist in California solved a similar problem three years ago. A new generation of organizers may spend years rediscovering lessons that earlier generations already learned. Not because anyone is hiding anything, but because there are few durable ways for knowledge, experience, and relationships to travel across the movement.

The knowledge exists. The pathways do not.

From inside any one organization, constituency, state, or strategy, it is nearly impossible to see the movement as a whole. Each of us experiences our own corner of it as the movement itself — not out of arrogance, but because position limits perspective. And so we mistake a connectivity problem for a unity problem. We reach for solutions that look like unity: a charismatic leader, a powerful coalition, a major funder, a national campaign. Sometimes those efforts help for a while. Then the leader retires, the coalition dissolves, the campaign ends, or the grant runs out.

What was missing was not unity. It was infrastructure.

By infrastructure I do not mean a new hierarchy, a command center, or an organization that speaks for everyone. I mean a shared utility — a neutral layer through which information, relationships, opportunities, history, and lessons can travel while communities keep their own leadership, priorities, and independence. The movement does not need another central authority. It needs better connective tissue.

For decades we have compensated for the absence of that tissue with people. The movement’s memory lives inside human beings: the ones who know everybody, remember the history, recall which state fought a battle before, and can point to the lawyer or organizer or lesson that matters. Those people are invaluable. But they are not infrastructure. When we treat advocates and elders as living archives, communication networks, and institutional memory, we should not be surprised that burnout is common, that younger leaders struggle to find what came before them, and that knowledge disappears when someone retires, steps back, or dies. And when information and access flow through a handful of highly visible individuals, visibility itself gets confused with leadership — not because of anyone’s character, but because so few people can see across the whole.

Our current reliance on individual leaders is a testament to our dedication, but it is an unsustainable burden for the long term. The more the movement depends on those individuals, the more vulnerable it becomes to burnout, retirement, illness, conflict, or simple human limitation.

This is not a personal failure. It is a structural one.

Heroic leadership and durable infrastructure solve different problems. A leader can inspire action, mobilize attention, and help a movement see what is possible. Infrastructure does something else: it preserves memory, distributes knowledge, and keeps relationships and lessons accessible long after any particular leader has stepped away. The goal is not to eliminate leadership. It is to ensure that the movement’s capacity does not vanish when leadership changes. A movement should not have to choose between honoring its leaders and preserving what they helped build. It should be able to do both.

None of this requires less diversity. It requires greater capacity to learn from ourselves. A healthy movement lets independent communities stay independent while building enough connectivity that they can coordinate, share resources, preserve history, and recognize themselves as part of something larger than their own surroundings. That connectivity does not happen by accident. It requires pathways.

Think of the electrical grid. Every home keeps its own lights, appliances, and purpose. The grid does not erase those differences; it simply lets energy flow. The disability rights and justice movement is full of energy. The challenge has never been generating it. The challenge is helping it travel.

A movement that can learn from itself can remember. A movement that can remember can build on what earlier generations achieved instead of starting over. A movement that can coordinate across distance, disability, and time becomes more than the sum of its parts.

The problem was never the silos. The problem was that too many of them stood in isolation. And if decentralization was built into the movement’s architecture, then the answer cannot be centralization. The answer is connective tissue — the ability to discover, learn, coordinate, and build across many independent communities. Not one organization, not one leader, not one voice. A movement, at last, capable of learning from itself.

— JW

06/13/2026

“Social movements may have many ‘defeats’—failing to achieve victories in the short run—but in the course of the struggle the strength of the old order begins to erode, the minds of the people begin to change; the protesters are momentarily defeated but not crushed, and have been lifted, heartened, by their ability to fight back.”

— Howard Zinn

06/12/2026

Thank you, Attorney General Kris Kobach, for withdrawing Kansas from the Texas v. Kennedy lawsuit and for listening to the concerns of Kansans with disabilities and their families.

Twenty-two Kansas senior and disability organizations joined together to explain why this litigation poses a threat to disability rights and community inclusion. We appreciate the Attorney General's decision to hear those concerns and take action, and we encourage the remaining states involved in the litigation to follow Kansas' example.

Read the coalition letter here: https://tinyurl.com/4xmnv2c4

06/10/2026

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