1860 Heritage Centre

22/06/2026

Please join us for the School vacation tour and herbs and roti demonstration. Please do rsvp for catering purposes.

21/06/2026

18/06/2026

A Legacy of Care between Indians and Africans during Indenture
Selvan Naidoo

Goodwill between Indians and Africans spans centuries of trade partnerships, cultural exchange, and shared struggles against colonialism and apartheid. In KwaZulu-Natal, there has been a long history of a shared humanity of care, compassion, and love between people, historic figures, and monarchs who have tirelessly bridged communal divides to foster reconciliation and humanity.

Indians came into contact with the AmaZulu people of KwaZulu-Natal when they were brought as indentured workers to provide labour to sustain an ailing colonial economy. Globally, labour acquisition, free and unfree, to advance colonial capital from the 17th to 20th century was key in the matrix of both slavery and indenture.

Historically, it was understood that the Zulus were unwilling to provide the labour to cultivate sugarcane plantations. This theory was debunked by Edmund Morewood, the founding father of sugarcane cultivation in Natal, who argued in 1855 that, despite African labour being readily available, colonial farmers wanted the cheapest form of labour from India.

Hidden in the archives among thousands of Indian Immigration files located at the Pietermaritzburg Archive Repository lies the transcripts of a case of care and humanity between indentured Indians and the local African community. The file of transcripts details the investigation of the assault and abuse of Jummunia against her master, Mr C. B Lowe.

Jummunia Berai, indentured No. 137726, arrived in Natal in April 1908 aboard the Congella from Calcutta with her male partner, Angnu Badhu. Both workers were assigned to Mr. C.B Lowe at Mid Illovo in the South Coast of Natal. Three years later, Jummunia was the subject of a newspaper article that appeared in the African Chronicle on 9th September 1911.

To escape the violence and abuse of C.B Lowe at the farm, Jummunia deserted her place of employment to escape the brutality of the system of indenture, finding humanity in the form of an African family who lived in a kraal in an AmaZulu reserve close to her place of employment. After finding a place of shelter and living in the Zulu Hut, Jummunia was able to deliver her third child safely, living simply by the goodwill of the Zulu family for a month and a half.

The African Chronicle article reported that Jummunia presented a pathetic appearance when she related to them while holding a tiny baby with tears in her eyes. Jummunia narrated that she was indentured to Mr. C.B. Lowe for about three and a half years, employed in the kitchen while her husband was doing manual labour.

She alleged that her mistress ill-treated her, more so when she was pregnant, often doubling the severity of ill-treatment against Jummunia. On one occasion, Jummunia was alleged to have stolen lemons from the kitchen and was brutally assaulted, resulting in the miscarriage of the child while pregnant.
Jummunia continued to work and live with C.B Lowe, falling pregnant with her second child, where she was ordered to work while heavily pregnant. She gave birth on a Sunday, with the mistress ordering Jummunia to turn up to work on the Monday despite giving birth the day before. The severity of this command to work despite the need for her to take care of the child resulted in the child dying of starvation and neglect.

At the death of their child, both Jummunia and her husband resolved to desert their master, Mr. C.B Lowe, to lodge a complaint with the Protector of Indian Immigrants. The couple buried the child in an unknown, uncared-for location, with the Protector declaring that they return to their master, thinking of the charge as “a frivolous matter”.

After staying with their master for the months that followed, Jummunia was able to conceive again, and while pregnant, she alleged that she was again “systematically assaulted, kicked and knocked about”, reporting the assault to the Protector, who again sent her back to her employer.
Subsequently, Jummunia and her husband deserted the farm with the Protector ordering them to remain at the Durban Depot at the Point until he fully investigated the matter. Soon after, they were ordered to return to their employer. After their return, a pregnant Jummunia was not given her food rations for a week and was forced to run away to a nearby Zulu reserve, hoping to survive in uncleared bush.

While in the bush, she built a hut out of the branches and grass. Jummunia narrated that she lived on roots and wild fruits, and despite the sound of wild animals, she was able to get by for about a month until she gave birth to her child. When this happened, she was taken in by a Zulu family when the kind-hearted Zulu man heard the cries of the baby. The family took Jummunia into their care, being able to restore her and the baby to health, where she was able to live for about a month and three weeks until she reported to the Protector of Indian Immigrants.
After the African Chronicle report, The Protector was compelled to do a criminal investigation, visiting Mr C.B Lowe at Mid- Illovo, enquiring into the complaints of Jummunia. Lowe alleged that Jummunia and her husband had deserted him, sending for the Police to charge them with desertion.
Appearing before the Magistrate, Ramduth, a messenger of the Court, reported that he escorted Jummunia to Mr. C.B Lowe of Mid-Illovo, handing over a Magistrate’s letter to Mr. Lowe, who told Ramduth to ask Jummunia as to why she overstayed her leave of four days. Jummunia stated that “she missed her way”, at which point, “Mr. Lowe gave Jummunia two smacks on her head and told me (Ramduth) to take her away, which I refused to do – I have made a report to the magistrate…”

Jummunia’s story, set during the colonial construct of the system of indenture, reveals that there are far more heartening stories to be told to highlight the legacy of basic humanitarian kindness that we rarely hear of. In a recent post shared on the Durban and Surrounding History page, Sandile Sah Mabika shared a picture showing an Indian indentured family with Isaiah Mloyiswa Mdliwamafa Shembe, a prophet and the founder of the Ibandla lamaNazaretha, South Africa.

Comments on the Facebook post by Siphamandla Siphetho Lembethe revealed that a large Indian community lived in Ekunhakameni, Inanda, which is detailed in a book titled Shembe and his works by E.L Roberts.

In the third decade of the new millennium, fresh challenges that encourage ethnic tensions compel us to reset values and priorities to find common ground in a shared humanity of care and love for one another. The same care that Jummunia found in the support of the Zulu family that nurtured her during her darkest hours.

The sensible will see the world as one, that there is more that unites the human race than divides it. A particularly oppressive system of labour bo***ge in the form of indenture brought people together to nurture a legacy of care that we carry on our shoulders 166 since the ship, the Truro, brought the first indentured workers to South Africa on 16 November 1860.

Selvan Naidoo is the Maternal Great-grandson of Camachee, indentured number 3297, & Paternal Great-grandson of Karpayamma, indentured number 96575, and Director of the 1860 Heritage Centre

17/06/2026

A successful Book Launch: THREE DECADES OF DEMOCRACY, Critical Reflections by the 1860 History Society of the 1860 Heritage Centre.

Stimulating discussions with phenomenal contributions from Northlands Girls High School Learners Saanvi Chitra, Usiphile Penyane, lsiphile Ngubane and Yonga Rozani, articulate, insightful and deep. Our future is in good hands.

In celebration of Youth Day, four members of the Northlands Girls' High School Debating Team, Usiphile Peyana, Isiphile Ngubane, Yonga Rozani and Saanvi Chitra, proudly represented the school at the launch of Three Decades of Democracy, hosted by the 1860 Heritage Centre.

As part of the event, learners participated in a thought-provoking panel discussion that explored the legacy of the 1976 Soweto Uprising and the future of South Africa. Their insightful perspectives, confidence, and eloquence captivated the audience, showcasing the critical thinking and leadership qualities that define the next generation of changemakers.

The learners' outstanding contribution served as a powerful reminder of the important role young voices play in shaping our democracy.

As South Africa marked three decades of democracy, an opportune moment presented itself for critical reflection about the past as it was commemorated and memorialised in public culture.

The History Society, based at the 1860 Heritage Centre in Durban, provides a platform for authors, writers, and academics to present their ideas and historical writings for critical analysis and debate.

We wish to thank our authors who contributed to this book, including: Professor Michael Samuel, Judge Navanethem “Navi” Pillay, Professor George Devenish, Dr. Gregory Houston, Professor Heribert Adam, Dr Kogila Adam-Moodley, Professor Relebohile (Lebo) Moletsane, Professor Mosa Moshabela, Professor Karthy Govender, Professor Kiren Thathiah, Ravi “Ravi” Pillay, Professor Jairam Reddy, Selvan Naidoo, Kiru Naidoo, Maya Jagjivan Kalicharan, Advocate Tseliso Thipanyane, Pops Rampersad School Essay Competition Winners: 1st place Samuel O. Oyebamiji, 2nd place Awande Dladla, 3rd place Nhlakanipho Bhodlumlilo Mazibuko, and Saanvi Chitra, National Youth Development Agency (NDYA) Essay Competition Winner.

Proceeds of the book go to the 1860 Heritage Centre, please purchase the book at https://www.madeindurban.co.za/ or contact Anivesh Singh on +27 83 778 1991

16/06/2026

50 years since the 1976 Soweto Uprising.
For generations, the memory of those who fell has inspired the country to keep working toward the prosperous and inclusive South Africa for which they gave their lives. They died for the South Africa we hoped for. Their sacrifice will not be in vain.

Picture credit: Peter Magubane. The Fruit of Fear, June 16. A book by Peter Magubane.

15/06/2026

South African jazz composer and cultural icon Abdullah Ibrahim has died aged 91.

In a statement, Ibrahim's family says he died peacefully surrounded by family in Germany following a short illness.

Ibrahim's remarkable career spanned more than seven decades, during which he became one of the most influential and celebrated figures in international jazz. Rest well Legend

15/06/2026

Looking forward to your company.

13/06/2026

Today, 13 June 2026, marks the 80th anniversary of the passive resistance campaign in 1946

80th Anniversary of the 1946 Passive Resistance Campaign
Selvan Naidoo and Kiru Naidoo

The Natal Indian Congress launched its campaign of passive resistance as a protest against the Asiatic Land Tenure and Indian Representation Act, which excluded Asiatics from occupation of controlled areas in and around Durban.

Before this act, the main areas that Indians occupied were beyond the Umgeni River, in Riverside and Prospect Hall, and further inland at Duikerfontein and Sea Cow Lake. Springfield and Sydenham were also predominantly Indian. Indians also settled in areas such as Mayville, Cato Manor, Clairwood and Magazine Barracks, and the Bluff.

Even though informal segregation existed at this time, it was not until 1922 that the first major restriction was enacted, when the municipality reserved the right to exclude Indians from purchasing municipal land. The Slums Act was passed in 1934 to improve conditions and to facilitate ‘slum clearance’ within the city. Behind this veil, the Slums Act factually meant the expropriation of Indian property. The Municipality’s rationale for this expropriation was cleverly masked as the city cleanup and industrial expansion. Ironically, as late as the 1970’s, Indians, in places like Tin Town in Springfield, still lived in shacks without basic services. By 1936, only 20% of Indians owned houses in Durban that were made of brick, stone, or concrete; the rest lived in wood and iron structures. The colonial government did not provide electricity to these residents, as they did not trust that the Indians could handle it.

The 13th June 1946 was declared as Hartal Day when twenty Indians began the passive resistance campaign on Thursday night by pitching 5 tents on vacant land in a controlled area at the junction of Gale Street and Umbilo Road and camping there. This group of 20 men, under the command of Dr. G. M. Naicker, chairman of the Natal Indian Congress, kept the strictest discipline. Dr. Naicker remarked, “If and when he and his men were arrested or removed from their camp, another 20 would move in to take their places.”

A few years earlier, the Pe***ng Acts of 1942 – 43 gave the government the right to remove and destroy shacks and homes in some areas under the pretext of improving unsanitary living conditions. By 1946, the Passive resistance campaign became a major focus of Indian community activism to contain the aforementioned ‘Indian penetration.’

The Ghetto Act paved the way for the Group Areas Act, passed in 1950, which proclaimed large parts of previously owned and occupied Black areas to be now exclusively occupied by White residents. This meant that the non-White communities who found themselves in these areas would have to be moved to other areas designated as ‘Indian’, ‘Coloured,’ or ‘African’.

This act caused a major uproar and led to the two-year passive resistance campaign from 1946 to 1948, when several thousand Indians courted arrest. Despite the protests, the act was passed in 1948. The Group Areas Act formalised the process of separate development. By 1950, the Group Areas Act displaced thousands of Indians and Africans from their homes and businesses.

Indians were removed from areas such as Mayvile, Cato Manor, Clairwood, and Magazine Barracks, and the Bluff. By 1950 there were adverts in the newspapers for an exclusively Indian suburb called ‘Umhlatuzana’. Later, Red Hill and Silverglen (later Chatsworth) were also advertised. Reservoir Hills, which was also declared an Indian area, was able for the more well-to-do Indians. In the north of Durban, La Mercy and Isipingo Beach were also designated Indian areas. In Merebank, purpose-built houses replaced the poor settlements, and by the late 1950’s, a reconstructed Merebank offered cheap houses for which the purchaser had ten years to pay.

Zandile Qono, Sites of Struggle Collective spokesperson whose family was a key part of the campaign, pointed out that the current generation needed to honour the history of the struggle for a non-racial society. "Our activism must serve as a memory against forgetting that people lost their lives, went to prison, were thrown out of their homes, and had their lives destroyed by a racist government."

Contemporary society can draw on the spirit of the 1946 Passive Resistance to challenge modern, systemic corruption and malfeasance. It is a powerful way to assert agency, force accountability, and advocate for change without relying on physical aggression. We Shall Resist

Selvan Naidoo and Kiru Naidoo are the co-authors, together with Paul David and Ranjit Choonilall, of The Indian Africans.

Extract of a soon-to-be-released book. To commemorate the 1946 Passive Resistance Campaign,

“We Shall Resist” by Kiru Naidoo and Selvan Naidoo.

EXTRACT:
PASSIVE RESISTANCE BEGINS

"Twenty Durban Indians began the passive resistance campaign on Thursday night by pitching 5 tents on vacant land in a controlled area at the junction of Gale Street and Umbilo Road and camping there. The campaign is directed against the Asiatic Land Tenure and Indian Representation Act, which excludes Asiatics from the occupation of controlled areas.

This group of 20 men is under the command of Dr. G. M. Naicker, chairman of the Natal Indian Congress, who is camping with them and keeping the strictest discipline.
Dr. Naicker said that if and when he and his men are arrested or removed from their camp, another 20 will move in to take their places. That was, he said, the programme of the campaign. The police had the names of the first 20 and could arrest them whenever they wished.

Mr. R. Johnson, Chief Constable of the Borough Police, Durban, said he was not taking any action against the passive resisters.

The first act in the present campaign occurred on Wednesday night when six Indian women in Johannesburg boarded a train for Durban without permits to travel into Natal. They arrived in Durban on Thursday afternoon and took in the demonstrations the same evening. The establishment of the camp in Gale Street followed a meeting of some 15,000 Indians in Nicol Square at which the passive resistance campaign was launched.

The chairman of the Passive Resistance Council said that the night would go down in the history of the South African people.”

Picture Credits: SS Singh Collection

11/06/2026

THE BEASTLY QUARANTINE OF INDENTURE
Selvan Naidoo

Death always followed passengers on ships transporting indentured workers to imperial colonies across the world. In the eighty-six years that the system of indenture existed from 1834 to 1920, death was unavoidable with the outbreak of disease, often running rampant on board the journeys of indentured Indians.

In the early 19th century, shipping companies referred to the transportation of indentured workers from India as the ‘Coolie System’. The conditions on the ships transporting workers from India were deplorable. The voyages were long, with the dangers of abuse and disease breaking out in many voyages.

The ‘coolie system’ had its origins after the abolition of slavery. After an act of parliament formally abolished slavery in most British colonies in 1833, sugar plantation owners formed powerful lobbies to push policies that safeguarded the profits of their trade.

After some short-lived and unsuccessful attempts to employ liberated slaves and European labourers on low wages, colonial planters began importing indentured workers from India. Despite some newspapers condemning this practice as a revival of the slave trade, it quickly gained British parliamentary approval, giving rise to a centralised and organised system of contractual migration that sustained the sugar trade for many decades and created Indian diaspora communities across the globe. By the time this system was abolished in 1920, more than two million Indian labourers had migrated to British, French, Danish, and Dutch colonies across the world.

Improvements in steamship technology forced colonial governments to invest substantial resources in building and managing quarantine stations as the outbreak of epidemic disease in the Indian Ocean during the 19th century increased with colonial migration. These institutions were often set up in relatively isolated locations, especially uninhabited islets. In the case of Mauritius, the quarantine stations were set up at Flat Island, in South Africa at the Bluff, and for Trinidad & Tobago at Nelson Island. Ships suspected of transporting infected commodities or sick people were then diverted to these islets, preventing them from docking at the regular ports.

Whenever there was a suspicion of contagious disease, immigrants were placed in quarantine, often on the ships or on islets around Mauritius, to prevent the colonial inhabitants of Mauritius from coming into contact with sick indentured passengers. Seminal work by Christelle Miao Foh on Flat Island reveals that in 1856, tragedy struck at Gabriel Island, 12 kilometres to the north of Mauritius, with the death of 300 Indian indentured passengers succumbing to cholera due to the rudimentary quarantine conditions in which they were kept on the island. Authorities failed to apply strict quarantine measures and invest in proper facilities to adequately take care of those who had passed on. This prompted the first suspension of the ‘coolie system’ by the Indian colonial government.

This suspension of the indentured system compelled the Mauritian authorities to appoint a special committee to report on the causes of the cholera outbreak that resulted in the death of those 300 indentured passengers. The British government saw it fit to build stone structures between 1858 and 1860 on Flat Island, separated by a shallow, turquoise lagoon just 750 meters wide from Gabriel Island. The sole purpose of the better-built quarantine station was to prevent the outbreak of an epidemic in Mauritius. Today, the physical structures remain, with little done to preserve them as sites of memory that tell the story of indenture.

Faced with the inflow of labour, and in order to protect the island from epidemics, the French colony of Reunion built a large quarantine site: Lazaret de La Grande Chaloupe in 1860. Located in a deep, isolated valley, and easy to monitor and control, the Lazaret became, for thousands of people, their first place of stay in Réunion. From 1860 to 1865, at La Grande Chaloupe, a landing place, dormitories, a hospital, and several extensions were built not far from the coast on either side of the ravine. They have been known since then as Lazaret No.1 (La Possession) and Lazaret No.2 (Saint-Denis).

Lazaret at La Grande Chaloupe remains as an architectural and cultural heritage site, illustrative of the story of how Reunion Island came to be populated. Michèle Marimoutou Oberlé, PhD study, placed the creation of the Lazaret in its historical context by evoking its links with the arrival of indentured labourers, mainly from India. Marimoutou Oberlé also examined the development of the public health control measures taken by the colonial administration in an effort to prevent the outbreak of pestilential diseases such as smallpox, cholera, or plague.

In Natal, South Africa, the arrival of the second ship, the Belvedere, on 26 November 1860 warrants a deeper gaze in highlighting human commodification, abuse, and violence in the machinations that administered the ‘coolie system’ of indenture. Records show that twenty-nine of the 342 passengers listed on the original ship manifest perished in the Indian Ocean well before landing at Port Natal on 26 November 1860, ten days after the first indentured immigrants aboard the Truro landed on 16 November 1860.

Further misery followed when the passengers landed in Natal, with ten passengers dying even before being assigned to a plantation. The exhausted passengers, having spent 84 days at sea, were held at a poorly prepared makeshift quarantine site where standing water and cramped living conditions at the campsite invited death.

Brian Kearney, through his seminal research, revealed that as early as 1841, the Republic of Natalia had legislated for the quarantining of passengers entering the Port of Natal, especially those from Mozambique. The fear was that passengers would introduce mysterious, infectious diseases from exotic lands. These fears were again expressed even before the arrival of the first groups of indentured Indian workers to the Colony when the Colonial Secretary requested the first Harbour Board to find a site for a quarantine station or lazaretto.

For many of the first Indian immigrants their experience was similar to other immigrants arriving at the port but altered at the Point on being ferried back across water to the bluff from where they would walk to a temporary home in a lazaretto built by the government, ‘at the back of the bluff' (dependent on sickness and death on board, the town council had objected to the earlier chosen site on the bay side, (Brian Kearney, 1993, Outline of the Point)

The first quarantine station was constructed in November 1860 on the Bluff shore facing towards the Bay. The building quickly fell into decay and was replaced during the 1870's with another on the Ocean side of the Bluff. The first station later became desirable for recreational purposes, though for a while it was used as a l***r colony. An article in the Natal Mercury of 7 June 1882 noted that the quarantine station at the Bluff comprised ‘rough iron sheds’ and was erected in 1874, but up until 1882 had been used only twice. The same article described the lazaretto as offering ‘very scant accommodation’.

The third station was constructed by the Indian Immigration Trust Board in 1890 on the same site for £4,152 7 6d, inclusive of £200 paid for the extension of the rail line for access. The main wood and iron buildings were capable of accommodating some 600 adults, and an isolation ward housed the sick. Large numbers of Indian immigrants and migrant African workers from East African countries were housed here for the first few weeks of their stay in the Colony.

In the Protector of Immigrants report of 1891/2, the Quarantine Station was a subject of its reporting. Mr. Le Febour, a qualified Compounder and Dispenser, was appointed to take charge of the Quarantine Station, where he resided with his family. The station was, however, directly under the supervision and control of the Medical Officer of the Durban Medical Circle, Dr Greene, when the station was to be occupied by incoming immigrants.

The report went on to state that the buildings were repaired and repainted, and that a shed for stores and a cooking range were built for coal, which was capable of serving 600 people. The cooking range was reported to have been far more economical when compared to the old system of cooking with wood in the open air, and was more satisfactory and reliable with regard to food being properly cooked and served at regular hours.

On 30 September 1892, the Officer in charge of the Bluff Quarantine Station wrote to Louis Mason about the construction of a mortuary. In advocating for the urgency for the construction, the officer reported that “The want for such a place was severely felt, at the time the ‘Umzinto’ immigrants were located at the station, and the number of deaths occurring among children, there being no place to keep the bodies awaiting inspection of the Medical Officer.” By the 10th October 1892, the Protector of immigrants replied by granting the authority “for what is necessary”

A Protector of Immigrants report for 1886 revealed that the “Umvoti XVII having left Madras on 10th September, 1886, and upon arrival at the port of Natal, it was reported to the Health Officer that there had been an epidemic of measles during the voyage, and that the ship and all on board were placed in quarantine. The emigrants were landed three days after arrival and located in the Quarantine Station on the Bluff. After being so located, one additional case of measles occurred, which prolonged the period of quarantine from the 10th November (the date on which pratique was granted to the ship) to November 16th, when all were released and transferred to the Immigration Depot at the Point.”

The emigrants, on being located at the depot, were examined by the Protector about their treatment during the voyage. They all expressed themselves thoroughly satisfied with the ship, master, and crew, but made grave allegations against the Surgeon Superintendent, both of assault and of improper relations with the female emigrants during the voyage as well as in the quarantine station.

In 1890, the arrival of yet another contaminated ship brought the agitation to a head. The town council tried to end Indian immigration by steamship, urging sail to lengthen the voyage, thus assuring the outbreak of incubating disease while still at sea. They also sought to remove the Natal immigration depot from Durban Point to the Bluff across the Bay, "Where isolation can be made effective and complete." (Maynard Swanson, Asiatic Menace)

The history of quarantine stations across imperial colonies foregrounds a history of the commodification of the ‘coolie system’ at the expense of humanitarianism. The colonial government had every hope of making indentured men and women invisible, turning them into beasts of quarantine for the dividend of colonial profit. The hope that these sites of memory be inscribed as a UNESCO Indentured Labour Route will do much good in keeping alive the memory of the ‘Coolie System’ as a crime against humanity.

Selvan Naidoo
The Maternal Great-grandson of Camachee, indentured number 3297, & Paternal Great-grandson of Karpayamma, indentured number 96575, and Director of the 1860 Heritage Centre

First Published, https://thepost.co.za/2026-06-13-the-beastly-quarantine-of-indenture/?fbclid=IwY2xjawSZ8aRleHRuA2FlbQIxMABicmlkETFvYzRjUW9VRkdaaGdjMzJUc3J0YwZhcHBfaWQQMjIyMDM5MTc4ODIwMDg5MgABHi7vs4vWdHw5t4l2lGRPpBKmAlnHCx9kOeAi3oxBroHk0nA2YuPe09XwDSaQ_aem__vJrQqlrmmxkI1zpSEmWJA

References:
1. Christelle Miah Foh, Flat Island. A history of Quarantine in Mauritius, Aapravasi Ghat Trust Fund, Published in Mauritius, 2018
2. Brian Kearney, 1993, Outline of the Point,
3. Brian Kearney, The Bluff, 1993
4. Brian Kearney, Bluff Headland, Heritage Park, Brochure, Campbell Collections, University of Natal
5. Jonathan Hyslop, THE POLITICS OF DISEMBARKATION: EMPIRE, SHIPPING AND LABOUR INTHE PORT OF DURBAN, 1897-1947, 2018
6. Poonam Bala and Russel Viljoen, Epidemic Encounters,Communities, andPractices in the Colonial World, 2023
7. Cianciosi, A.; Cˇ aval, S.;Calaon, D.; Seetah, K. Integrated Remote Sensing to Assess Disease Control: Evidence from Flat Island Quarantine Station, Mauritius.Remote Sens. 2022, 14, 1891. https://doi.org/10.3390/rs14081891
8. Protector of Immigrants Report, 1891,1892, 1893. Pietermaritzburg Archives Repository
9. NAB II_ 1/80_I1513/1895_1, Indian Immigration Department (1858 - 1924, Repository: Pietermaritzburg Archives Repository
10. Duncan Du Bois, Bluff Peninsula: A Random History And Road Name Register, 2020, and Random Bluff history notes #6: Isolation and separation