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05/19/2026

Jeffrey Epstein Was CIA. The Communications Network at Zorro Ranch Proves It.

The DOJ's own files show Epstein built a military-grade encrypted link to satellite orbit at Zorro Ranch. The contractor who built it now holds a Pentagon missile defense contract.

Alisa Valdes-Rodriguez for THE PUGILIST
May 19, 2026

In March 2016, a Stanley, New Mexico rancher named William sat down and wrote a straightforward technical memo. He had been asked by Brice Gordon, ranch manager at Jeffrey Epstein’s Zorro Ranch, to evaluate options for a new internet connection at the property. William knew the area, knew the terrain, and knew exactly what was available.

He laid out three options.

Plan A was ideal: tap into the Singleton Ranch’s existing fiber feed site, just a short distance away with gigabit fiber available and a clear radio shot. The Singleton negotiation was already underway. William had been in contact with Vito, the Singleton manager, who had briefed the family. CenturyLink contacts had confirmed gigabit availability in the Galisteo area. This was a clean, fast, affordable solution — estimated between $75,000 and $150,000 to build, with monthly service costs that were entirely manageable.

Plan B was a solid fallback: find any nearby property with CenturyLink gigabit fiber access, lease it, and build a short microwave hop. William had done exactly this on his own ranch. He called it the best alternative.

Plan C was Sandia Crest — the 10,620-foot peak visible from Albuquerque, 27 miles away. William was direct about it. “Difficulty of access, expense, and such a large distance makes it less than ideal for a point to point radio shot,” he wrote. It would require “incredibly expensive industrial/military grade equipment.” Signal throughput would be no better than 30%.

Within 48 hours of receiving William’s report, Jeffrey Epstein had made his choice.

He chose Plan C.

The documents recording that choice — and everything that followed — are sitting in the DOJ’s publicly available Epstein file archive. They have been there since the files were released. Almost no one has read them. What they reveal is not merely a connectivity decision. It is the operational signature of an intelligence asset building covert communications infrastructure, surrounded by the men who built him, protected by the institutions that owned him, and connected — literally, through a satellite uplink with direct-to-orbit authorization — to wherever his handlers needed the data to go.

“We Don’t Need 1g”

The email thread begins on March 22, 2016, when Brice Gordon forwarded William’s report to Epstein at [email protected], copying Richard Kahn of HBRK Associates at 575 Lexington Avenue in New York. Kahn was not a ranch facilities manager. He was Epstein’s New York-based project coordinator, and his involvement in a rural New Mexico internet installation tells you everything about what this project actually was.

Epstein’s response arrived the following morning in two messages. At 7:04 AM: “we do not need a gigabit k itsl sllly.” The garbled characters are typos — he meant “it’s silly.” At 7:56 AM, a second message: “we shoot dragon wave further, makes little sense.”

DragonWave is not consumer equipment. It is carrier-grade, military-specification microwave backhaul hardware used by telecom operators and government networks. Its defining property is hardware-level AES encryption built into the radio layer — below the IP stack, invisible to standard network monitoring — combined with hardware-bound authentication that makes interception effectively impossible. Epstein was not asking about DragonWave because he had looked it up. He was referencing existing DragonWave infrastructure he already had — at Little St. James, his private island in the U.S. Virgin Islands. He was asking why the same architecture couldn’t simply be extended to New Mexico. And he was doing it at the moment he was moving his entire center of operations from the island to the ranch, coincident with the Southern District of New York and the Miami Herald both digging into his child s*x trafficking operation. Epstein guesses, correctly, that New Mexico would never subject him to such scrutiny.

On March 25, Epstein told Gordon that if technical difficulties arose, they should bring in “the lsj guy” — Hector Cintron, who worked for Choice Communications in the U.S. Virgin Islands at [email protected]. Cintron appears directly in the project correspondence that followed. The island infrastructure and the New Mexico infrastructure were being designed and managed as one unified system.

A man who wants high-speed internet for a vacation ranch does not call gigabit bandwidth silly. A man who wants a specific, narrow, encrypted channel for transmitting particular data to a particular destination does.

This was not, as some people have said in comments on the previous two Epstein-Zorro-Radio-Towers stories I’ve done, “rich guy internet.”

Epstein dismissed bandwidth twice because bandwidth was never the point.

Spying was.

The Company That Built It

The company selected to design and build the Zorro Ranch to Sandia Crest system was Future Technologies Venture, LLC, headquartered in Suwanee, Georgia. As with the architects and the builders of the ranch’s main house, they are primarily military industrial contractors, and among their largest clients is the pentagon. As I said before when writing about the architect and builder, I will say again now about Future Technologies Venture, LLC: If Epstein were merely a rich eccentric creep ra**ng kids on video for fun, he would not likely have run the operation through major proxies for the United States government.

The lead contact at Future Technologies Venture was Chris Cappiello, then Director of Business Development, now Chief Revenue Officer. Between April and May of 2016, Cappiello personally ran the link budget calculations, verified the Sandia Crest tower coordinates, designed the 11GHz HAAM system, and coordinated with Hector Cintron at Little St. James and with Richard Kahn throughout the buildout. His brother Peter Cappiello is CEO, based in the New York City metropolitan area.

The April 15, 2016 engineering calculation preserved in the DOJ archive is precise: Sandia Crest tower to ZDC Main tower, 26.8 miles, 99.997% reliability at 227 Mbps. ZDC Main tower to Main Residence, 2.17 miles, 99.999% reliability at 297 Mbps. Cappiello also flagged a direct option: Sandia Crest tower to Main Residence, bypassing the intermediate tower entirely, at 27.53 miles. Epstein chose the direct link.

Future Technologies’ connection to the Epstein operation predated Zorro Ranch. Between 2009 and 2010, the company had built DragonWave microwave backhaul infrastructure across the U.S. Virgin Islands for Choice Communications — Hector Cintron’s employer. When Zorro Ranch needed the same architecture, both Cintron and Future Technologies were the natural call. This was not a new vendor relationship. It was an existing network being extended.

The company describes itself as a specialist in “mission-critical connectivity infrastructure” for “extremely remote outdoor sites” and government environments. “Critical Connectivity. Built Right.” reads the banner on their LinkedIn page. In December 2025, Future Technologies announced it had been selected for the Missile Defense Agency’s SHIELD IDIQ contract — the Scalable Homeland Innovative Enterprise Layered Defense program, a multiple-award vehicle with a $151 billion ceiling covering next-generation missile defense systems under the Golden Dome initiative. Chris Cappiello, the man who designed Epstein’s encrypted link to Sandia Crest, now oversees Future Technologies’ Federal sales segment.

The Signal Mirror

On May 21, 2016, Future Technologies conducted a physical site visit at Zorro Ranch. The findings were forwarded to Richard Kahn, who relayed them to Epstein on May 23.

Line of sight from Sandia Crest to the main house had been confirmed by flashing a signal mirror toward the peak. Conditions were too hazy for any other method.

The dish on the Sandia tower was to be placed at 72 feet. The main house dish was to be set at approximately 30 feet — requiring either a new pole or an extension of the existing one. The report flagged that at 30 feet, the pole “will extend past the apex of the mechanical building roof and will be visible from the back parking area.” This, the report stated, “will need to be brought to Jeffrey’s attention.”

Epstein was personally managing the visual concealment of a satellite dish installation at his New Mexico ranch. Future Technologies was instructed to contact Sierra Nevada Property Management directly to coordinate installation on the Sandia Crest tower — the tower controlled by Dennis Vanderhoof, whose FCC licenses THE PUGILIST has previously reported.

To Orbit

Those licenses matter because of what they authorized.

TeleBEEPER of New Mexico, Inc., headquartered at 4545 McLeod NE in Albuquerque, held satellite earth station license E940533 with direct-to-orbit uplink capability. In November 2011, TeleBEEPER filed with the FCC’s International Bureau — file number SES-STA-20111130-01406 — for Special Temporary Authority to extend that license pending permanent authority. The FCC granted the extension on December 6, 2011. The uplink capability was being actively maintained and renewed approximately four years before the Zorro Ranch buildout began.

The system build this creates is not a ranch internet connection. Data transmitted from the Zorro Ranch main house travels 27.53 miles by encrypted military-grade microwave to the Sandia Crest tower. From there it reaches Vanderhoof’s satellite earth station. From there it goes to orbit. From orbit it can reach anywhere on the planet, untraceable to Zorro Ranch.

William, the local rancher who wrote the original memo, described Sandia Crest as yielding “30% of the bandwidth thru.” That was precisely the point. Epstein was not moving large files. He was not streaming video. He was transmitting something specific, something narrow, something that required hardware-level encryption below the IP stack and a pathway to orbit. He called gigabit bandwidth silly because he didn’t need gigabit bandwidth. He needed something that couldn’t be found.

The Men Who Built Him

William, the Stanley rancher who wrote the technical memo, is Bill Patterson. His phone number — 505-832-6236 — appears in both the Patterson Ranch Airport FAA registry and the business listing for Komtek Communications, located at 3762 NM-41 in Stanley, New Mexico. Komtek Communications was incorporated in New Mexico in 1977, revived in 1993 — the year Epstein purchased Zorro Ranch — and permanently shuttered in 2001, when Epstein’s legal exposure began. Patterson Ranch Airport was permanently closed with the FAA in September 2008, the same year Epstein’s federal prosecution concluded. Survivors of Epstein’s child s*x trafficking ring have reported being flown into a nearby neighboring ranch. Epstein’s Zorro Ranch had a runway, but it was grass. Patterson’s runway was paved, and flight records over the years show the most traffick coming and going from White Sands Missile Range, where the first atomic bomb was detonated and where the United States military has continuously tested weapons ever since.

The name Komtek bears a striking resemblance to Commtouch, the Israeli email infrastructure company co-founded by Isabel Maxwell — daughter of Robert Maxwell, sister of Ghislaine — a company with documented ties to Israeli Unit 8200 intelligence alumni. Whether that naming parallel is coincidence, homage, or signal is a question this reporter cannot yet answer. What is not in question is that Bill Patterson, operator of a communications company whose corporate timeline mirrors Epstein’s New Mexico presence precisely, was the man who laid out the three options and watched Epstein choose the covert one. Also noteworthy, a small dirt road near Zorro Ranch is named Komradt.

The only things that show up today when you search for Zorro Ranch on Google Maps are these — “Young Place” on the San Cristobal Ranch, today owned by the heirs of OSS officer and Teledyne founder Henry Singleton; “Hidden Art,” a public art piece hidden in an abandoned gas station in the middle of nowhere by artist Robert Harkness, who died shortly after making it; “Patterson Ranch Airport” on William “Bill” Patterson’s Ranch; and his company, “Komtek Communications” — which means someone secretly geotagged them as a breadcrumb trail. (Image below. I had to add the Zorro Ranch location myself.)

The Singleton Ranch (San Cristobal Ranch) was Plan A. Henry Singleton, who died in 1999, founded Teledyne — one of the most significant defense electronics conglomerates in American history, whose subsidiaries included the largest producer of military reconnaissance drones, missile guidance systems, and classified NASA and Defense Department engineering programs. He built his ranching empire in the Galisteo Basin beginning in the 1970s. He and his son Will appears in Epstein’s black book. Epstein had the modem number for Singelton’s San Cristobal Ranch in the book, too. Singleton’s ranch manager Vito was in active negotiation to provide Epstein with access to the ideal communications relay point. Singleton served in the Office of Strategic Services — the OSS, predecessor to the CIA — in Europe in 1944 and 1945.

Donald Barr also served in the OSS, at headquarters in Washington, D.C., during the same final year of the war. After the war, Barr became headmaster of the Dalton School in New York. In 1973 — the same year he published Space Relations, a science fiction novel about oligarchs who traffic children on a distant planet — he hired a young Jeffrey Epstein, who had no college degree, to teach mathematics. Investigative reporter Kait Justice has reported that Barr likely identified and began cultivating Epstein for intelligence recruitment years earlier, possibly when Epstein was as young as ten years old. Donald Barr is the father of William Barr, who served as Attorney General of the United States during Epstein’s 2019 arrest, incarceration, and death in federal custody.

Two OSS veterans. One recruited Epstein as a child and installed him in elite institutions. The other owned the ranch next door and employed the man whose fiber site was Epstein’s first choice for his covert communications relay.

Neither connection has been seriously investigated by any official body.

I am guessing none ever will, because at the bottom of it is the entire reason the full Epstein files have never been released.

What This Is

The standard framing of Jeffrey Epstein as a Mossad asset is well-supported. Robert Maxwell, Ghislaine’s father, sold Israeli-backdoored PROMIS software to Sandia National Laboratories in 1985. His eldest daughter, Christine Maxwell, built the FBI’s post-9/11 counterterrorism data warehouse through her company Chiliad. Isabel Maxwell, Christine’s twin sister, co-founded Commtouch with Israeli Unit 8200 alumni. Ghislaine ran the human intelligence operation. The Israeli intelligence network around both Maxwell and Epstein is documented and substantial.

But the intelligence infrastructure supporting Epstein (and Maxwell) at Zorro Ranch points somewhere else, or somewhere additional. It points the United States military intelligence, plain and simple. The contractor who built his encrypted link to orbit is American, headquartered in Georgia, and now holds a Missile Defense Agency contract. The satellite uplink was authorized by an American FCC license. The project was managed out of a New York office. The man who recruited Epstein as a child served in the American OSS, and his own son was in charge of the federal justice department when Epstein died (or didn’t?) in its custody. The man whose ranch provided the ideal relay point was OSS, built American missile guidance systems and military drones. And just up the road, another former OSS guy, Karl Ingwer, sold his New Mexico ranch to the strangest duo of all time: Donald Rumsfeld and Dan Rather.

Intelligence operations of this type — long-running, multigenerational, protected across multiple administrations by the children of the men who built them — do not belong to one agency or one country. They belong to the network. The network has Israeli components and American components and private-sector components, all of them running simultaneously, all of them providing institutional protection to each other because exposure of any one thread risks unraveling the rest. And in its middle and later years, the same network had Soviet/Russian components.

Jeffrey Epstein was not a financier who stumbled into intelligence work. He was an asset identified in childhood by an OSS veteran, cultivated through elite institutional access, funded through the Mega Group (private capital in the United States in support of Israel), equipped with Israeli surveillance infrastructure, given American defense-contractor communications architecture, embedded between a CIA-lineage defense titan’s ranch on a ranch sold to him by the then sitting governor of New Mexico, and protected unto death by the son of the man who first found him.

The files were always public. The documents were always there. The story was always visible to anyone who looked.

But those who would cover up the most damning truth have been banking on Americans focusing only on the horrific stories of the abuse that happened under Epstein’s watch. They’ve counted on Americans blaming only two people, two individuals — Epstein and Ghislaine Maxwell — and leaving it at that. The powers that be have enacted a massive narrative control project, using their own assets and helpers in the media and government, to convince us all that there’s nothing to see here expect a couple of rich, depraved individuals and their handful of similar friends, who hurt kids and now must pay. They have kept the network and who it served completely out of the story. And for the most part, they’ve been successful.

Until now.

Please note: The FCC licenses for the industrial/military grade microwave radio network Epstein built are still active, and the system is still up and running under the ranch’s new ownership. The owners are Mary Catherine and Donald Huffines. Donald Huffines is currently running to be state comptroller of Texas. He is endorsed by Donald Trump. Mary Catherine and Donald Huffines secretly met with top Russian official in 2018, to help Rand Paul hand-deliver a letter to Vladimir Putin from Trump, and to negotiate for the release from US custody of Maria Butina, a Russian spy. If Donald Huffines wins the comptroller’s race, he will be in control of the 8th-largest economy in the world. Texas’ economy is larger than Russia’s. And just a few steps from the entrance to “San Rafael” Ranch (formerly Zorro Ranch) in New Mexico, “Komradt” road leads to the ranch still owned by the family of Bruce King, the governor who sold Zorro to Epstein.

THE PUGILIST accepts no advertising and is funded entirely by readers. If this work matters to you, please share it.

To see more photos, please visit THE PUGILIST. Link below.

Source documents: DOJ Epstein file archive, EFTA00831005-6, EFTA00830845-8, EFTA00702637-644, EFTA_R1_00025477-25482. FCC International Bureau filing SES-STA-20111130-01406. GlobeNewswire, Future Technologies Venture LLC, December 23, 2025. Kait Justice, investigative reporting on Donald Barr and Epstein recruitment.

05/13/2026

The Chair of the Epstein Truth Commission Won't Return My Calls But *Will* Email My Readers to Talk S**t About Me. So Let's Talk, Representative Romero. My Turn.

Alisa Valdes-Rodriguez for THE PUGILIST
May 12, 2026

For months, I have been reporting on the New Mexico Legislature’s Epstein Truth Commission — a body created by unanimous House vote to investigate Jeffrey Epstein’s operations at Zorro Ranch, his 7,600-acre property in Santa Fe County, and the state and local officials who looked the other way while children were trafficked and abused there. The commission has subpoena power, a $2 million budget drawn from bank settlement funds, and a mandate to deliver findings by the end of 2026.

Representative Andrea Romero of Santa Fe sponsors the commission and serves as its chair.

I want to be clear about how this reporting began, because Representative Romero’s email to my reader distorts it. I did not begin this work as an adversary of the commission. I began it as a believer. I reached out regularly and in good faith, primarily through Representative Marianna Anaya, because I believed this commission represented something real — a genuine reckoning, long overdue, with what happened to children at Zorro Ranch and who enabled it. I shared my findings. I asked questions. I tried to help.

Then I discovered the procurement conflicts surrounding the commission’s selection of legal counsel. I brought those conflicts to the commission’s attention directly. Representative Anaya told me the commission saw no conflict of interest with procurement officer Gerardo Paredes. I sent my findings to the New Mexico Department of Justice. Every email went unanswered.

That is when I understood what this commission actually is.

It is not a truth commission. It is a public relations operation — damage control for the establishment Democrats in New Mexico who spent years in proximity to Jeffrey Epstein and his network, who took his money, attended his events, and looked the other way. From Representative Romero herself, to the Odessa, Texas personal injury firm that just received nearly forty percent of the commission’s entire budget — a firm whose founders maxed out their donations to Bill Richardson while Epstein was running children through Zorro Ranch — the entire enterprise is designed not to find the truth but to perform the search for it while protecting the people who need protecting.

I did not choose this fight. The commission’s own conduct left me no alternative.

Representative Romero will not return my calls. She will compose careful, polished paragraphs for a constituent’s inbox. She will invoke Benjamin Franklin and the survivors she serves. She will not, however, name a single inaccuracy in my reporting — because she cannot.

This morning, a reader named Jerry Graves forwarded me the response Representative Romero sent him after he emailed her a link to my work. I am reprinting it here in full.

*****

From: Andrea Romero [email protected] Date: Tuesday, May 12, 2026, 4:53 PM To: Jerry Graves Subject: Re:

Thank you for your email, Jerry.

Benjamin Franklin once observed that those who are hardest at work rarely have time to speak ill of others — and that the best response to a lie is simply a life well-lived in pursuit of truth.

I have not publicly acknowledged these blog posts, and I want to be transparent with you about why: they contain so many factual inaccuracies that a full accounting would consume the very time and energy that belongs to the survivors and families this commission exists to serve. To chase every false claim would be to let the distraction succeed.

I want to be clear — the folks that make up the Truth Commission are not a club, nor are the real people who live in our community that surrounds it. We are not representing elites. We’re a formal body of public servants who answer to the people of New Mexico, with a public record, public hearings, and a public mandate. Any suggestion that we are choosing which truths to uncover misreads both our charge and our character. Our choice to engage in community around these issues helps continue to bring awareness to the need to bring justice to the survivors. Our community is finally drawing in awareness of the stories that have gone untold for over 26 years.

What I find genuinely troubling is this: at the very moment survivors are finally being heard, someone has chosen to train her fire not on the predators, not on the systems of power that protected them, but on the people trying to dismantle those systems and demand justice where the systems have failed. That choice speaks for itself.

If Ms. Valdes-Rodriguez has evidence of wrongdoing, the commission’s doors are open. If she has allegations worth investigating, she knows where to send them. What we will not do is be pulled from our work by attacks designed to muddy the water rather than clear it.

The truth is not comfortable. We know that. We are not looking for comfortable truths — we are looking for all of them. That work continues.

With respect and resolve, Andrea

************

My response follows:

Dear Representative Romero,

A reader forwarded me your email. Thank you for putting it in writing.

You opened with Benjamin Franklin. Charming. A Founding Father who famously valued truth — invoked by a sitting legislator to characterize documented, sourced investigative journalism as lies, without citing a single inaccuracy. Ben Franklin also said that an investment in knowledge pays the best interest. You might want to reconsider your returns.

Let me be super clear about what you just tried to do. You told a constituent that my reporting contains “so many factual inaccuracies” that correcting them would waste resources. I am surprised you’re concerned about wasting resources at all, Representative Romero, given that an audit once found more than $50,000 in improper expenditures on your watch — including a dinner tab with a whiskey order you billed to the public — and that when the coalition asked you to repay $8,000 of it, you simply didn’t. But do go on. You described THE PUGILIST — a Substack publication that has reached number one in the world for US politics, and currently sits in the top ten, alongside Heather Cox Richardson, Paul Krugman, Adam Kinzinger, and Don Lemon, with more readers than the Santa Fe New Mexican, your hometown paper — as “blog posts.” You said this without naming one inaccuracy. Not one. Because you cannot.

What you actually meant is that my reporting is inconvenient — for you. There is a difference between something being inaccurate and something being inconvenient, at least to those of us who are not politicians. I understand the confusion for you, however.

You wrote that you “have not publicly acknowledged these blog posts.” Representative Romero, you just publicly acknowledged them. In writing. To a constituent. Who forwarded the email to me. That is, by definition, public acknowledgment. Welcome to the record.

Now, since you raised the subject of inaccuracies: let’s discuss yours.

ON THE MATTER OF YOUR BIOGRAPHY

Before your election to the New Mexico Legislature, you served as executive director of the Regional Coalition of LANL Communities — a public agency — under a contract paying approximately $140,000 per year. Your job, in plain language, was to advocate for Los Alamos National Laboratory’s funding and community relationships. Nuclear watchdogs described the coalition not as a lab watchdog (which many assumed, given its name) but as a cheerleader for the billions of federal dollars LANL brings into the state. You weakened a 2016 nuclear cleanup consent order by supporting the removal of hard deadlines and penalties for insufficient cleanup work. Communities downwind of one of the most contaminated nuclear sites in America got less accountability. Those communities were overwhelmingly Hispano and Indigenous and poor. You, though? You got a paycheck.

Then there was the audit.

A 2018 audit found you had submitted a $1,850 dinner bill — including $380 in alcohol — to Los Alamos County for reimbursement, in direct violation of your organization’s own travel policies, which expressly prohibited alcohol as a reimbursable expense. A broader audit covering your full tenure found more than $50,000 in improper payments to you, board members, and other parties. The coalition asked you to repay $8,000. You declined. The organization subsequently collapsed — it could not keep an executive director after your flaming crash of an exit, and member governments withdrew one by one.

You then ran for the legislature. You scrubbed the RCLC role from your public biography. You kept the phone number — a Google Voice line listed as your official contact on both your campaign website and the New Mexico Legislature’s official member directory. A Google Voice number. For a sitting state legislator. Chair of the Epstein Truth Commission. That’s less professional than a glittery MySpace blog. Plus unicorns.

ON THE MATTER OF THE COMMISSION YOU CHAIR

You chair a commission that just awarded $750,000 — thirty-seven and a half percent of its entire $2 million budget — to an Odessa, Texas, personal injury firm that has an office in Albuquerque. Your press releases described them as an Albuquerque law firm, but that’s not exactly true, is it? It took me all of ten minutes to find out that the founding partners of that firm donated the maximum legal amount to Governor Bill Richardson while Epstein was actively operating Zorro Ranch. Richardson was later named as an abuser in the federal Epstein files. The firm’s lead investigator previously sat on the board of the same political action committee that donated to the campaigns of the two Democratic legislators who voted to hire it. One of those legislators is you. Amiright?

You call this serving survivors. I call it a documented procurement conflict. These are not the same thing, and the survivors you love to trot out as a sheild against your corruption deserve better than to have their justice administered by the people who helped themselves to their budget then used that budget to hire pals of one of their abusers.

You tell me the commission’s doors are open and that I know where to send information. I do know, Representative Romero. I sent it. I sent it to you, through Representative Anaya, who told me the commission saw no conflict of interest with Gerardo Paredes. I sent it to the New Mexico Department of Justice, too. Every email I sent went unanswered. The door you are gesturing toward is a wall with a mail slot. I have used it. Nothing came back. Tsk.

ON THE MATTER OF WHERE I AM AIMING AND WHY

Representative Romero, you say in your letter to my reader that I have trained my fire on the wrong targets — that I should be focused on the predators rather than the commission. It is a rhetorically elegant dodge, exactly what I’d expect from you, but sadly for you it reveals exactly what this commission is designed to avoid.

Focusing only on individual predators — on the lurid details of what was done to specific victims in specific rooms — is not justice. It is spectacle. It answers the question of what while deliberately avoiding the questions that matter: why did this happen, who protected it, and what was it for.

I have answers to those questions. But you probably will not like them.

Jeffrey Epstein was not simply a wealthy eccentric predator with unusual appetites and depraved friends. He, like Ghislaine Maxwell, was an intelligence asset operating at the intersection of nuclear technology, transnational capital, and blackmail infrastructure — and Zorro Ranch was not chosen by accident. It sits in the shadow of the very national laboratories that define New Mexico’s relationship to American military and intelligence power. Los Alamos. Sandia. The same institutions that you, Representative Romero, spent three years and $140,000 a year cheerleading for, weakening cleanup accountability for, and billing whiskey tabs to. The same labs Ghislaine’s dad Robert infiltrated with backdoored PROMIS software in the 1980s. You say this sort of thing is not important enough to waste resources on, and yet someone in the Maxwell-Epstein orbit thought it was important enough to make sure the last reporter to speak about it this openly, Danny Casolaro, ended up dead in a hotel bathtub, somehow having managed to slash both his own wrists deeply enough to sever the tendons. Compared to that, I suppose being called a blogger isn’t so bad.

Your commission only ever asks what happened to the victims. Trots them out to cry again for the cameras. Yet you never ask what Maxwell and Epstein’s operation was for. When a constituent suggests you do ask that, you reply by saying it’s not worth the resources. Be honest, Representative Romero. You will never ask who in this state’s political and intelligence infrastructure enabled a known kompromat blackmail operation to run for decades within driving distance of the most sensitive nuclear facilities in the Western Hemisphere, next door to Henry Singleton’s ranch, bestowing gift after gift to The Santa Fe Institute and its scientists. And you won’t ask those questions because you and the people who pay for your fundraisers are not prepared to live with what the answers might make the public think about, well (gestures broadly at the New Mexico government) all of this.

So. You might not ask why, or for whom, or toward what end these crimes were committed and covered up by the powerful people of this state.

But I am. I’m asking those questions. And so are your constituents. The public relations crisis strategy of blaming the literal messenger is cute, but it won’t work. In fact, it’s already backfiring.

That is the difference between journalism and public relations, Representative Romero — and between THE PUGILIST and… Well, and whatever this commission is doing with its $2 million, nearly half of which has already been spent rewarding a Texas law firm whose leaders facilitated a PAC’s donations to your campaign.

Twice.

ON THE MATTER OF MY JOURNALISM — AND YOUR DEFINITION OF “BLOGGER”

I got my master’s in journalism at Columbia University. I have 37 years of professional experience and a master’s degree in journalism. I spent nearly a decade as a staff writer at two of the most respected newspapers in the United States — the Boston Globe and the Los Angeles Times. I hold three Pulitzer nominations and an Emmy Award for public service journalism. My debut novel landed on the New York Times bestseller list its first day out, and landed me on the cover of Time magazine as one of the 25 Most Influential Hispanics in America, alongside Bill Richardson. Weirdly. I have more than 1 million books in print in 11 languages around the world, and 16 published books.

THE PUGILIST, my independent journalistic newsletter, has reached number one globally in US politics rankings on Substack in the past month, and currently sits in the top ten, alongside Heather Cox Richardson, Paul Krugman, Adam Kinzinger, Don Lemon, and Andy Borowitz.

Those are my fellow “bloggers,” Representative Romero. For additional context: THE PUGILIST’s readership exceeds that of every newspaper in the state of New Mexico. That is the scale of the platform your publicist told you and your entire camp to start dismissing as a blog. The fact that I have now heard this same talking point twice in a single day from two separate directions tells me exactly how worried your and your network are, about me. No. Not about me. About the truth.

People do not deploy patronizing talking points about work they consider irrelevant.

Politicians deploy patronizing talking points about journalism that is accurate, documented, and reaching an audience large enough to threaten their carefully crafted lies.

You have not identified one inaccuracy in my reporting — though I will say, someone told me your were no longer married to the banker. If that’s so, my bad. I tried to ask you. You did not reply. And you’ve scrubbed the internet of everything about your personal life — as one does, when one has…what? Everything to hide, I suppose.

You did not list a single inaccuracy in my reporting in your email to my reader, because the record I have built is sourced, precise, and correct — and you know it.

And it scares the s**t out of you.

As it should.

My inbox remains open. [email protected]. Name one inaccuracy. I will wait.

With considerably more documentation than you apparently expected,

Alisa Valdes-Rodriguez Publisher, THE PUGILIST

Address

Santa Fe, NM
87505

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