NC Youth-AANHPI

NC Youth-AANHPI Help us mobilize Asian American and Pacific Islander communities in North Carolina for the upcoming general election!

05/12/2026

We're with her.

05/11/2026

Live Across NC: May 20 @ 6:30-8:30pm

Commander in Sleep. "Sleepy Don".
04/25/2026

Commander in Sleep. "Sleepy Don".

Interesting.  Check this out.  Several countries from  the Middle East are considered "Asian."
04/23/2026

Interesting. Check this out. Several countries from the Middle East are considered "Asian."

Supreme Court Justice Anita Earls speaks to the importance of NC judicial candidates in 2026 electionsKATHLEEN HOPEWELL ...
04/20/2026

Supreme Court Justice Anita Earls speaks to the importance of NC judicial candidates in 2026 elections
KATHLEEN HOPEWELL NEWS-TIMES Mar 25, 2026 1

CARTERET COUNTY — North Carolina Supreme Court Justice Anita Earls of Durham made several stops in Carteret County last weekend as part of her reelection campaign for the state’s highest court. In a conversation with the News-Times, Earls emphasized the importance of the state’s judiciary in protecting individual rights and encouraged constituents to learn more about judicial candidates in the 2026 midterm elections.

While balancing a campaign and her ongoing duties to the court, Earls is also undergoing breast cancer treatment. She announced her diagnosis on social media in December, just weeks after filing for candidacy. Her competitor for the Supreme Court seat, State Representative and former North Carolina House Speaker Pro Tempore Sarah Stevens, R-Surry, also publicly announced in January 2024 that she had been treated for breast cancer.

Going public with her diagnosis was, as Earls says, "for people to realize that it is treatable. It’s not something to be afraid of."

In doing so, she says she’s received an outpouring of support.

"It's opened my eyes to something I knew already: This is a state of people who care about each other," she said.

She says the response to her announcement shows the need for elected officials to "make sure our policies reflect that fact: that here, in North Carolina, we care about each other. We want to see each other do well. We want to support each other in any way we can."

Amid her treatment, Earls affirms that she remains able to continue fulfilling her "number one responsibility on the court."

Earls’ campaign also garnered attention recently, having raised more than $1.3 million in the latter half of 2025, according to an end-of-year campaign finance report. More than 80% of funds came from North Carolina and 75% were donations of $100 or less, signaling substantial in-state attention on the race.

A March 16 poll by Public Policy Polling, involving 556 North Carolina voters with a margin of error of plus or minus 4.2 percentage points, has Earls at 43%, Stevens at 40% and 17% unsure.

Even with heightened attention on the race, Earls expressed concerns about those uncertain voters.

"People know what a U.S. senator does. They know what a governor does," Earls said. "But then they get down to a Supreme Court justice and they’re not sure who to vote for."

With decades of experience as a civil rights attorney, this concern partly propels her run for reelection. "I think part of what I've seen is how important our courts are. And in fact, increasingly, state courts are so important to protecting our rights," she said.

"The reason I want to continue serving is to uphold the state constitution and to enforce all of the rights and freedoms that that document gives everyone in the state."

North Carolina’s Supreme Court has taken on greater significance to state governance in recent years. After flipping from a 4-3 Democratic majority to a 5-2 Republican majority following 2022 elections, the seven-member court reversed decisions on partisan gerrymandering and voter ID. It was also the subject of a months-long election dispute that unsuccessfully sought to expand its Republican majority to 6-1.

The court has taken up other matters such as electricity costs and how the state should fund education per its constitutional obligations.

In fact, Earls visited Carteret County just hours after the court unanimously affirmed class certification of an ongoing dispute involving the county’s solid waste fees, Armistead v. Carteret County. This case made it to the docket after the county appealed a 2024 decision to certify three classes of plaintiffs challenging the fees.

The ruling, Earls explained, was not on the merits of the case—whether the county fees amounted to violations of law—but rather on whether the plaintiffs could maintain a class action.

In pointing to this case, Earls underlined that "certainly, all of the local government-type issues that we decide probably impact people here."

Even with the breadth of issues the court covers, Earls narrowed in on "decisions that impact voting rights, which I think is fundamental to everything else."

"Exercising your right to vote is then how you affect all the other things that you care about, whether it's housing or education or health care or employment or economic development," she said. "All those things depend on who you put in office. And that depends on having a right to vote."

Earls sat on the Democratic-majority court that ruled in 2022 against what it deemed extreme partisan gerrymandering in congressional, state House and state Senate districts. "But then, we had an election. Voters sent different people to our Supreme Court," Earls said.

Just months after issuing those opinions and establishing what Earls says was "neutral criteria for how you measure whether or not a map is fair," the newly Republican-majority court overturned the earlier bench’s decision in 2023, favoring maps that afforded greater power to Republican candidates.

"As someone who litigated voting rights cases, it's always been important to me to make sure that every vote counts and is counted equally, carries the same weight," Earls explained, "because I just believe our democracy only works if everyone's voice is heard."

Earls said she would encourage people to learn more about judicial candidates in 2026. She expressed a particular interest in reaching voters who may not see them, noting "so many people in the state are registered unaffiliated."

Though only her seat is open in the 2026 midterm elections, Earls also recommends looking into the six candidates vying for three different seats on the Court of Appeals.

As one of only two Democrats on a court that has become increasingly central to state politics, the contest between Earls and Stevens will continue to draw widespread attention in the upcoming months.

CARTERET COUNTY — North Carolina Supreme Court Justice Anita Earls of Durham made several stops in Carteret County last weekend as part of her reelection campaign for the state’s highest

04/18/2026
04/17/2026

The same men who told the Pope to "read the Bible" this week apparently haven't read it themselves.

Pete Hegseth — self-proclaimed holy warrior, the guy who said this war is SACRED — got caught on camera passionately quoting... the Pulp Fiction screenplay. A Quentin Tarantino script. Not scripture. Not Ezekiel. Jules Winnfield. 🎬📖

And Trump? He's furious at the Pope. Because the Pope hurt his feelings.

Let's be crystal clear about what's happening here:

The Pope is defending immigrants, the poor, the sick, victims of war and famine — you know, literally everything Jesus talked about.

Trump is defending his ego.

Hegseth is defending a fictional hitman's monologue.

These three are NOT the same.

This week has been genuinely illuminating. Not because these men are hypocrites — we knew that. But because the mask is fully off now. This was never about Christianity. It was never about God or Jesus or any crusade of faith. It's about money. It's about power. It's about maintaining a system that keeps them at the top while the rest of us scramble beneath them.

They will invoke Jesus to win an election and forget His name the second a refugee needs shelter.

The Pope is doing Christianity. These men are cosplaying it — badly — while cashing the check.

You don't get to tell the actual Pope to read the Bible when you can't tell the Bible from a Miramax production

04/13/2026

As a Catholic, I find it abhorrent that the President of the United States would publicly attack the Successor of St. Peter. Donald Trump is flailing. His war in Iran has led to the death and injury of American servicemembers and the death of Iranian children. He will attack anyone or anything to try to protect himself, even the Church that millions of Americans find faith and comfort in every day. The American people deserve a president who understands the consequences of his words and takes responsibility for his actions.

In the Birthright Citizenship Hearing, a Story of Asians Fighting for RightsIn the Supreme Court’s oral arguments, lawye...
04/02/2026

In the Birthright Citizenship Hearing, a Story of Asians Fighting for Rights

In the Supreme Court’s oral arguments, lawyers and justices cited a litany of cases reflecting how long it took for Asians to win the right to be American.

It came as no surprise that the discussion of birthright citizenship at the Supreme Court this week focused on the landmark 1898 precedent set by Wong Kim Ark, which ruled that a child born in San Francisco to Chinese parents was a citizen.

But notably peppered throughout the oral arguments on Wednesday were many references to lesser-known cases: Fong Yue Ting. Lau Ow Bew. Yick Wo. Bhagat Singh Thind.

Each of these names refers to an Asian immigrant at the center of a Supreme Court case in the late 19th century or early 20th century.

In the decades before and after the Wong lawsuit, immigrants from China, Japan and India fought an immigration system that tried to keep people like them from entering the United States and from becoming American citizens. Taken together, the cases reflect a body of case law, beyond that of Wong Kim Ark, that has shaped the American immigration system for more than a hundred years.

“The reason why there are so many cases involving Asian immigrants or the children of Asian immigrants,” said Amanda L. Tyler, a constitutional law professor at the University of California, Berkeley, “is because immigration law in this country for a very long time was incredibly unreceptive to Asian immigration and naturalization.”

The web of federal immigration restrictions was so comprehensive that, throughout the first half of the 19th century, there were relatively few Asians in the United States. Starting in 1882, virtually all Chinese people were barred from entering the country, and by the 1930s, that had broadened to cover most people from Asia. Asian immigrants also faced bans on becoming naturalized citizens.

During this era, many Asians turned to their communities for help in challenging these laws, said Gabriel J. Chin, a law professor at the University of California, Davis.

A portrait of Wong Kim Ark.
Wong Kim Ark’s victory in an 1898 Supreme Court case affirmed automatic citizenship for nearly all children born in the United States.Credit...National Archives, via Reuters
The powerful Chinese Consolidated Benevolent Association, a group of family and hometown organizations also known as the Six Companies, hired high-profile white lawyers to work on these cases. Led by wealthy Chinese merchants, the association was motivated not just by a desire to protect its community, but also to preserve its access to Chinese labor.

All told, Chinese immigrants filed more than 10,000 lawsuits at the local, state and federal levels during the period of exclusion, historians say.

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“Because of the economic and political importance of Chinese immigration, high-quality U.S. citizen lawyers were hired to litigate cases large and small,” Mr. Chin said.

In 1886, the Six Companies helped find lawyers for Lee Yick, the owner of Yick Wo laundry in San Francisco, after he was arrested for violating a local law requiring permits for all laundry businesses in wooden buildings. While neutral on its face, the law was disproportionately used to target Chinese laundry owners.

Mr. Lee prevailed under the 14th Amendment’s equal protection clause. The decision became a landmark civil rights case because it extended equal protection to noncitizens.

In 1892, the organization also won a case for Lau Ow Bew, an affluent Chinese merchant in San Francisco who was detained and blocked from re-entering the country by U.S. customs officials because he lacked a required certificate proving that, as a merchant, he was exempt from federal Chinese exclusion laws.

And the next year, they lost a case for a Chinese laborer in New York City named Fong Yue Ting, who had been arrested and faced deportation for not having a mandatory residence certificate that required the corroboration of at least one white witness. The ruling affirmed the broad scope of federal power to regulate immigration.

What stories should be told about Asian American communities?Amy Qin, the Times reporter who wrote this article, wants to hear from Asian American readers: What other stories should The Times be covering? What are the issues that matter most in your community? Share your thoughts | More about Amy Qin
Several years later, the Six Companies hired some of the same lawyers to defend Wong Kim Ark.

As Chinese people were increasingly shut out of the country, American immigration and naturalization laws began to target the growing numbers of immigrants from Japan, and later, India.

In 1922, the Supreme Court ruled that Takao Ozawa, a Japanese immigrant, was not white within the meaning of the Naturalization Act of 1790 — which restricted who could become an American to “free white persons” — and was therefore ineligible to become a citizen. Even though Mr. Ozawa was Christian, spoke English fluently and, as he argued, had skin that was lighter than even some white people, he was not Caucasian, the court said.

Bhagat Singh Thind, who had immigrated from India and fought in the U.S. Army during World War I.
The next year, in an infamous case mentioned by Justice Sonia Sotomayor on Wednesday, the court shifted its reasoning. Bhagat Singh Thind, who had immigrated from India and fought in the U.S. Army during World War I, argued that he was technically Caucasian and so was qualified to become a naturalized citizen. But the court said he was not actually white as understood by the “common man.”

The ruling led the government to strip citizenship retroactively from Mr. Thind, his lawyer and more than 50 other naturalized citizens of Indian heritage.

The court decisions in Thind and Ozawa were ultimately rendered obsolete by Congress, which passed a series of laws lifting naturalization restrictions under a broader effort to improve geopolitical ties during World War II and the Cold War. But some immigration cases involving Asians, most notably Wong Kim Ark, remain the controlling precedent in American immigration law.

“Many Asian plaintiffs helped to set precedent with immigration cases,” said Bethany Li, executive director of the Asian American Legal Defense and Education Fund. “Asian American history is immigration history.”

In 1965, Congress passed landmark legislation that fully abolished immigration quotas based on national origin, opening the door to an unprecedented influx of immigrants from Asia, among other regions.

Today, a vast majority of the 24.8 million Asians in America arrived in the last half-century or are descendants of those post-1965 immigrants. As of last year, they made up 7 percent of the population and were the country’s fastest-growing racial group.

If the Supreme Court eliminates near-universal birthright citizenship, a right affirmed by Wong Kim Ark’s landmark victory, there could be a disproportionate effect on Asians who are in the country lawfully, according to a new study.

But some advocacy groups say that galvanizing Asian American communities around the issue has been a challenge, in part because many were not directly affected by that early period of discrimination and because that history is not widely taught in schools.

Many Americans of Asian heritage do not even see themselves as Asian Americans.

“Some Asian Americans think, ‘Well, you know that’s about undocumented people, it’s not about us,’ but the reality is, ‘No, we’re all in this together,’” said Aarti Kohli, executive director of the Asian Law Caucus, which was among the groups challenging President Trump’s executive order on birthright citizenship.

Gene Wu, who was born in China and moved to Texas as a child in the 1980s, recalled learning only the most basic facts about Asian American history in school.

Now a Democratic state lawmaker in Texas, he has tried to fight laws in several states restricting land purchases by Chinese citizens and companies on national security grounds.

Throughout 2023, he held weekly workshops for concerned participants, mostly Chinese Americans, that outlined the history of anti-Asian laws in the United States, including alien land laws, which effectively prohibited Asian immigrants in the early 20th century from buying farmland and, in some cases, homes.

“When they hear all this, they are floored,” Mr. Wu said. “They had no idea.”

Amy Qin
Reporter covering Asian American issues
I've been writing about Wong Kim Ark, the San Francisco Chinatown cook whose 1898 Supreme Court victory set the precedent for birthright citizenship.

03/29/2026

Wow. Thank you organizers. Great turnout. No Kings rally in Swansboro, Hubert, Jacksonville, Emerald Isle at the White House.

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