Ballotpedia

10/17/2026

One thing most voters won't have on their minds when they head to the polls on Nov. 3 is the many administrative processes, rules, and regulations that govern our elections.

But these rules are what make elections work. And they cover far more than just what happens on Election Day.

Who runs elections in your state?

The federal government plays a limited role in election administration, with the bulk of the responsibility for running elections residing in state and local authorities. In many, but not all, states, a secretary of state or another statewide official administers elections. In Alaska and Utah, the lieutenant governor oversees elections.

These officials are generally responsible for carrying out election laws and regulations, certifying voting machines and election results, and performing other duties. While these positions are usually elected, in some states, like Pennsylvania and Texas, they are gubernatorial appointees.

Some states have both a secretary of state and an elections board, which oversee various parts of election administration. For example, in Rhode Island, the secretary of state registers voters, prepares ballots, and administers oaths of office. The Rhode Island Board of Elections oversees campaign finance reporting, trains poll workers, tests and prepares voting machines, and tallies and certifies election results.

Other states rely solely on a board of elections, with the chief election official being either a board member or a gubernatorial appointee.

Recent changes in election administration

In 2024, North Carolina enacted legislation changing how positions on the state board of elections are appointed. This year, Utah legislators considered and ultimately rejected the idea of creating a secretary of state's office.

In 2026, several states have approved or considered legislation that would establish procedures for election officials in the event of a subpoena or warrant for election-related documents. In recent years, other states have enacted laws that make it a crime to harass or intimidate an election official or worker.

Some states have centralized election administration, with state officials performing most of the work. Other states give localities considerable autonomy in deciding how elections are run. In most states, voters elect their local clerk or auditor, meaning that local election officials are answerable to the electorate for their decisions.

For example, New Mexico does not have a voter ID law for statewide elections, but the city of Rio Rancho does require voters to present ID for local elections. Pennsylvania and Wisconsin allow localities to decide whether voters may cure defects in their absentee/mail-in ballots. In some states, local governments can decide whether to implement ranked-choice voting (RCV) or allow noncitizens to vote in local elections. Since 2024, 14 states have passed laws banning RCV at the local level, while others have passed constitutional amendments requiring voters to be U.S. citizens.

In some cases, the flexibility states have given to local governments includes the ability to choose when to hold elections for city, county, and school board positions. Since 2022, nine states have approved legislation to consolidate some or all local elections to align with statewide election days.

But even in states that have mandated consolidated elections, local control can still exist. Arizona has required municipal elections to be held alongside statewide elections in even-numbered years. The Arizona Supreme Court ruled in 2021 that some municipalities, such as Tempe, Tucson, and Winslow, are exempt from this requirement because their charters set other election dates.

The election administration mosaic

Thousands of election administration bills are introduced across the nation’s legislatures every year, touching on topics from voter ID to voting precinct boundary lines (all of which you can follow here).

What all of this activity shows is that our election system isn't just a (mostly) state and local responsibility. It's also constantly evolving. We won't notice many of those changes when we vote. But every phase of an election, from registering to vote to watching the returns on election night, is the result of a layered mosaic of laws, rules, and regulations that combine to make elections work.

10/15/2026

📣 This one’s for all of the local voters. 📣

Senate and congressional races get most of the media spotlight, but there’s so much more on your ballot.

Down-ballot races and local measures shape your schools, streets, budgets, and neighborhoods, and the language can sometimes be confusing. We wanted to take a moment to talk about some terms you might see when you vote locally. And, please let this serve as a reminder that we are always, always here to help you vote confidently!

10/14/2026

Ahead of this year's general elections, the U.S. House is made up of 218 Republicans, 214 Democrats, and one independent who caucuses with Republicans. Two districts are vacant — one last held by a Democrat, and one by a Republican.

The elections will determine whether Republicans can hold on to the majority they gained in the chamber in the 2022 general elections or whether Democrats will regain a majority. Democrats need a net gain of three districts to gain control of the chamber, while Republicans can afford to lose only two districts and still maintain control.

Democrats are defending 22 districts that President Donald Trump (R) would have won in the 2024 presidential election under the district lines in effect for the 2026 general elections. Republicans are defending eight districts that Kamala Harris (D) would have won under those same lines.

One of the biggest storylines we've been following this election cycle is the number of retirements. The 60 incumbents — 23 Democrats and 37 Republicans — not seeking re-election is the most in any election cycle since we started tracking this data in 2012.

Battlegrounds

We have identified 50 districts as battlegrounds this year. Democrats are defending 26 battleground districts, and Republicans are defending 24. Battlegrounds are the elections that we expect to have a meaningful effect on the balance of power or to be particularly competitive or compelling.

Key trends to watch:

Special elections: There were seven special elections between one Democrat and one Republican to fill vacancies in the U.S. House during the 119th Congress. None of those special elections resulted in a change in partisan control. In the three Democratic-held districts, Democratic candidates had larger margins of victory (MOVs) than Harris had in those districts in the 2024 presidential election. In the four Republican-held districts, Republicans had smaller margins of victory than Trump had in the 2024 presidential election. According to Boise State University's Charlie Hunt, "Because fewer people turn out for special elections, they're considered an early predictor of partisan enthusiasm heading into regularly scheduled elections." Hunt also said that "special elections, while useful metrics, are far from perfect barometers of public opinion. They take place at different times, and could be just as reflective of hyperlocal factors, such as flawed candidates, as they are of nationalized partisan conditions."

Mid-decade redistricting: Six states — California, Florida, North Carolina, Ohio, Tennessee, and Texas — passed new congressional maps between the 2024 and 2026 general elections, and litigation had led to new maps in Alabama, Louisiana, and Utah. Before 2025, only two states had conducted voluntary mid-decade redistricting since 1970. Based on the 2024 presidential election results, the new maps could result in Republicans gaining a net of nine districts.

Presidential election aftermath: This year's general elections will be the first since the 2024 presidential election. In the lead-up to Election Day, there has been some media speculation about whether there will be a wave election. In 2018, we published a study of wave elections examining the results of the 50 election cycles between 1918 and 2016. In that study, we defined wave elections as the 20% of elections resulting in the greatest swing against the president's party. For the U.S. House, the president's party needed to lose 48 districts in a given year to qualify as a wave election historically. Including both presidential and midterm years, the president's party has lost 48 or more districts in 11 of the 50 election cycles between 1918 and 2024.

Round two: This year, 44 general elections are rematches between the same candidates who ran in 2024. Democrats won 23 of those districts in 2024, and Republicans won 21. Ten of those 44 races were decided by 10 percentage points or fewer in 2024.
Recent election history

In the 2024 general elections, Republicans won 220 districts, maintaining control of the chamber, and Democrats 215.

10/13/2026

Map the Majority: Republican incumbent John Husted vs. Democrat Sherrod Brown for United States Senate in Ohio.

This election is one of two special Senate elections happening on November 3rd. On January 17, 2025, Ohio Gov. Mike DeWine appointed Husted to the U.S. Senate to replace Vice President J.D. Vance. The winner of this election will serve the remaining two years of the term Vance was elected to in 2022.

This election is one of 12 battleground elections that could affect the partisan balance of the U.S. Senate in 2026. Currently, Republicans have a 53-45 majority in the chamber. Two independent members of the chamber caucus with the Democrats.

*Note: Right now, we are naming 12 Battleground races. That number is subject to change as primaries wind down and general election landscapes change.

10/12/2026

Ballotpedia published its 16th Annual State Legislative Competitiveness Report analyzing all 6,137 state legislative seats that are up for election on November 3, 2026, in 46 states. Competitiveness in 2026 is the third-highest since 2010, behind only fellow midterm years 2018 (36.1) and 2022 (36.6).

In 2026, the nationwide State Legislative Competitiveness Index is 35.4, above the average of 34.0 between 2010 and 2024.

Compared to 2022, the most recent midterm year and overall most competitive year since 2010, the percentage of open seats is down from 23.8% to 17.3%, the percentage of incumbents in contested primaries is down from 26.8% to 22.8%, and the percentage of seats contested by both major parties in the general election (66.0%) is up from 59.2%, nearly matching the 2018 record of 66.3%.

Here are the three components of the competitiveness score:

-1,064 seats were open (17.3%), below the average of 18.7% each year since 2010.
-1,156 incumbents faced contested primaries (22.8%), above the average of 21.7% each year since 2010.
-4,052 seats are contested by both major parties (66.0%), above the average of 61.4% each year since 2010.

Newcomers are guaranteed to win 17% of this year's state legislative races

There are 1,064 open seats in this year’s state legislative elections, 17% of all 6,137 seats up for election. That is below the average of 19% in each cycle since 2010. Looking only at previous midterm election years since 2010, that average was 20%.

A greater number of open seats guarantees more newcomers entering legislatures and typically results in more candidates running for office. A smaller number of open seats guarantees fewer newcomers and typically results in fewer candidates running for office.

Across the 46 states holding state legislative elections this year, 449 Democrat-held seats are open, 610 Republican-held seats are open, and five independent or minor party seats are open. That is 6% below average for Democrats and 2% below average for Republicans. For independent and minor party seats, that ties 2010 for the record low.

Share of incumbents in contested primaries above average in 2026, but less than previous midterm

In 2026, there were 1,156 state legislative incumbents in contested primaries, representing 23% of all incumbents who filed for re-election. That tied 2012 for the second-highest percentage of contested incumbents since 2010, next to 2022 at 27%.

A larger number of contested primaries indicates more opportunities for voters to elect a non-incumbent to office. A smaller number indicates fewer of those opportunities.

Across the 46 states holding state legislative elections this year, 481 Democratic incumbents were contested, representing 21% of the 2,314 Democratic incumbents who filed for re-election. That was a 6% decrease from 2022. Republicans had 675 contested incumbents, 25% of the 2,737 Republican incumbents who filed for re-election and a 14% decrease from 2022.

Both major parties are contesting 66% of this year’s state legislative races

Both major parties are contesting 66% of the state legislative seats up for general election across the country this November. That is just shy of the 2018 record of 66.3%. Of the 6,137 total state legislative seats up for election, 2,085 (34%) are uncontested.

A larger number of seats without major party competition indicates fewer options on the ballot. A smaller number indicates more options.

The total number of seats without major party competition—2,085—was below the average of 2,343 since 2010 and a 19% decrease from 2022. One of the two major parties is guaranteed a simple majority in 17 chambers across 11 states due to the lack of major party competition.

The chart below compares states by the percentage of seats contested by each of the major parties. In states located in the upper-right corner, almost all seats are contested by both major parties.

10/09/2026

On Nov. 3, voters in 40 states will decide 145 statewide ballot measures. Swipe through to see 10 trends in this year’s measures. As National Voter Education Week draws to a close, celebrate the epic week by looking up summaries, arguments for and against, and campaign finance information for measures on your ballot at Ballotpedia.org.

10/08/2026

10/07/2026

national voter education week dump.

🕯️you will look up your sample ballot 🕯️

10/07/2026

Through Oct. 2, a total of 35 officials have been removed from office in recall efforts nationwide this year. This amounts to 8% of the 437 elected officials named in recall efforts. That rate is lower than the 16% success rate Ballotpedia tracked from 2010 to 2025.

The highest recall success rate was 27% in 2011. In that year, 83 of the 308 officials targeted for recall were removed from office. The lowest success rate was 5% in 2021. In that year, 25 of the 545 officials targeted for recall were removed from office.

The details of the recall process vary by state.

Michigan had the highest number of officials included in recall efforts since 2010, with 1,180. Those officials account for 19% of all recalls Ballotpedia had identified as of Oct. 2. California had the second-highest with 1,115 (18%), and Colorado was third-highest with 413 (7%).

The map below shows the total number of officials targeted for recall in each state from 2010 to Oct. 2, 2026.

City council members had the most recall petitions filed against them, with 201. Mayors had 67, and school board members had 65.

From 2010 to 2025, city council members had the most recall petitions filed against them, except in 2021 when school board members had the most.

The recall process is a form of direct democracy, and a way for citizens to respond to moments of social and political stress.

We've identified 15 recall efforts targeting 18 officials on the Nov. 3 ballot in five states: Oklahoma, Michigan, Texas, Ohio, and Kansas. Michigan has the bulk of these, with eight efforts targeting 10 officials. Click here to learn more about upcoming recall elections.

This year, for the first time, we tracked recall efforts related to data center development. So far this year, there have been 42 data center-related recall efforts targeting 80 officials. Of those, efforts against 41 officials are still underway; efforts against 33 officials did not go to a vote; one official resigned; one official was removed from office; and recall elections against four officials are scheduled.

10/06/2026

Republican state legislators lost re-election in this year’s primaries at twice the rate of Democrats. Of the 2,737 Republicans who ran for re-election, 126 (4.6%) lost primaries. Of the 2,314 Democrats who ran, 54 (2.3%) did.

The partisan split follows a pattern we reported in the June 22 Daily Brew that incumbents had more primary challengers than usual this year, mostly in Republican-controlled states. There was a 5.5 percentage point increase in the average number of incumbents who ran in contested primaries in states with Republican trifectas from 2010 through 2024. There was a 0.9% increase in the average number of incumbents who ran in contested primaries in states with Democratic trifectas from 2010 through 2024.

In all, 180 of the 5,064 incumbents (3.6%) who ran for re-election lost primaries this year — the third-highest total since 2010 and more than the average of 161 per even-numbered year from 2010 through 2024.

The election cycles with higher totals were 2012 (197) and 2022 (229). Both cycles were the first after states redrew district lines following the U.S. Census, which resulted in some incumbents running against each other.

Where incumbents lost primaries most often:

In five states, at least 10% of incumbents who ran for re-election lost in primaries this year:

-Wyoming: Fourteen of 54 incumbents who ran (25.9%) lost primaries. All 14 incumbents are Republicans.
-South Dakota: Fourteen of the 78 incumbents who ran (17.9%) lost primaries. All 14 incumbents are Republicans.
-West Virginia: Fifteen of the 98 incumbents who ran (15.3%) lost primaries. All 15 incumbents are Republicans.
-Delaware: Five of the 43 incumbents who ran (11.6%) lost primaries. All five incumbents are Democrats.
-North Dakota: Six of the 52 incumbents who ran (11.5%) lost primaries. One incumbent is a Democrat, and the other five are Republicans.

Delaware has a Democratic trifecta, and the four other states have Republican trifectas.

Notable incumbents who lost primaries:

Two incumbents who hold leadership positions in their state legislatures lost primaries this year:

-North Carolina Senate President Pro Tempore Phil Berger (R) lost to Sam Page (R) by 23 votes out of 26,247 cast.
-Maryland Senate Majority Leader Nancy King (D) lost to Amar Mukunda (D), 48.9% to 37.2%, in a field of three candidates.

Three incumbents who first assumed office before 2000 lost primaries this year:

-Connecticut Rep. Patricia Dillon (D) lost to Eli Sabin (D), 44.3% to 35.7%, in a field of three candidates. Dillon, who first assumed office in 1985, is the longest-serving state legislator to lose a primary this year.
-Pennsylvania Rep. Gregory Vitali (D) lost to Judy Trombetta (D) 61.9% to 38.1%. Vitali first assumed office in 1992.
-Vermont Rep. James Masland (D), who first assumed office in 1999, finished third in a primary where the top two vote-getters advanced to the general election. Dee Gish (D) received 41.4% of the vote, Lauren Morando Rhim (D) received 32.4%, and Masland received 26.2%.

There are 6,137 seats up for election this year across 88 state legislative chambers. We will report how many incumbents lost across all elections once the Nov. 3 results are known.