If I Don't Do It Institute

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We are a health and research institute led by the formerly incarcerated, dedicated to restoring agency, dismantling systemic violence, and designing what justice should have looked like all along.

01/29/2026

A 20-Year Mandatory Minimum Won’t Make Iowa Safer — It Will Make It Poorer, Less Just, and Less Honest

Iowa House Republicans are selling a familiar story: that sweeping mandatory minimum sentences will “save lives” by keeping so-called “career criminals” off the streets. It’s an emotionally potent argument, especially when anchored to a tragic and unrelated homicide in another state. But policy built on anecdote, fear, and political theater is not public safety. It is malpractice.

The proposed “three strikes” law mandating 20 years without parole is not evidence-based, not fiscally responsible, and not consistent with what decades of criminological research tell us about violence, recidivism, and deterrence.

1. Mandatory Minimums Do Not Prevent Violence

The claim that long mandatory sentences deter future crime has been tested repeatedly—and failed repeatedly.

Violence is driven primarily by situational factors, economic instability, substance use, and age, not by rational cost-benefit calculations about sentence length. Most violent crimes are impulsive, substance-involved, or emotionally driven. The idea that someone committing assault, domestic abuse, or drug-related offenses is weighing “19 years versus 20” is fiction.

Even the National Institute of Justice has concluded that certainty of punishment, not severity, is what matters—and Iowa already prosecutes violent crime aggressively.

What does predict reductions in violence?

Ageing out of crime

Stable housing and employment

Treatment access

Supervision proportional to risk

None of these are enhanced by a 20-year mandatory floor.

2. The “Points” System Sweeps In the Wrong People

Under this proposal, someone can reach “three strikes” without ever committing homicide, r**e, or armed robbery.

Points accrue for:

Drug possession

Retail theft

Non-serious assaults

Harassment

Property damage

This is not a statute aimed at “the worst of the worst.” It is a net designed to entangle people with chaotic lives, untreated addiction, and mental illness—many of whom already cycle in and out of jail precisely because incarceration destabilizes them further.

Calling these individuals “people who refuse rehabilitation” ignores the reality that rehabilitation is often unavailable, underfunded, or legally barred once someone has a felony record.

3. Iowa Is Already Overcrowded — This Makes It Worse by Design

Iowa prisons are already operating more than 20% over capacity. This bill does not address that fact—it shrugs at it.

There is no funding mechanism.
No staffing plan.
No infrastructure expansion.
No cost estimate disclosed to the public.

A single 20-year sentence costs taxpayers hundreds of thousands of dollars per person, often exceeding what it would cost to fund treatment, housing, and supervision for dozens of people.

If safety were truly the goal, lawmakers would explain:

Where inmates will go

Who will supervise them

How staff burnout and violence will be prevented

Why incarceration dollars are prioritized over proven prevention

They have done none of that.

4. Using a North Carolina Murder to Justify Iowa Law Is Dishonest

The tragic killing of Iryna Zarutska is heartbreaking. It is also irrelevant to Iowa sentencing policy.

Her alleged killer was not released under Iowa law.
He was not subject to Iowa supervision.
His case tells us nothing about how Iowa’s courts, parole board, or correctional system function.

Policy driven by exceptional cases rather than base rates is how states end up with bloated prisons and no measurable increase in safety.

5. Judicial “Dashboards” Threaten Independence, Not Transparency

The proposal to publicly track how often judges deviate from bail schedules or sentencing recommendations masquerades as transparency but functions as political pressure.

Judges are constitutionally obligated to consider individual circumstances. Publishing deviation rates without context invites:

Retaliatory retention campaigns

Political intimidation

Risk-averse sentencing

A judiciary that sentences out of fear of optics is not justice—it is coercion.

6. This Package Confuses Punishment with Protection

Keeping communities safe requires:

Precision

Proportionality

Prevention

This legislation offers none of those. Instead, it:

Expands incarceration indiscriminately

Ignores empirical evidence

Transfers responsibility for social failure onto the prison system

Signals toughness without delivering results

Iowans deserve policies that work—not policies that feel good at a press conference.

The Bottom Line

If long sentences prevented violence, the United States would be the safest country on earth. Instead, we are the most incarcerated democracy in the world—with no corresponding safety dividend.

This bill will not save lives.
It will waste money.
It will erode judicial independence.
And it will lock people away long after they cease to be dangerous—while doing nothing to address the conditions that produce crime in the first place.

Public safety deserves better than slogans.

01/26/2026

THE DEMOCRAT WHO BUILT MASS INCARCERATION

Why Clinton’s Crime Bill—Not Nixon’s War on Drugs—Made It Permanent

By J. Le’Dell Pippins

Political narratives harden into common sense when they go unchallenged. Over time, what “everyone knows” stops being examined—even when it’s wrong. When that happens, policy failure doesn’t just persist; it becomes invisible.

That’s exactly what has happened with mass incarceration.

Most Americans believe they understand how we got here. Richard Nixon launched the War on Drugs to target Black communities and antiwar activists. Ronald Reagan escalated drug enforcement and militarized policing as crack devastated American cities. George H. W. Bush’s administration provided intellectual justification, arguing in The Case for More Incarceration that locking up young Black men would ultimately benefit their communities.

All of that is true.

But it was William Jefferson Clinton—a Democrat—who turned those ideas into durable federal policy.

The 1994 Violent Crime Control and Law Enforcement Act didn’t just expand incarceration. It built the infrastructure that made mass incarceration—and mass recidivism—structurally inevitable.

Nixon Declared War. Clinton Built the Machinery.

Nixon’s War on Drugs was rhetoric backed by enforcement funding. Reagan intensified that enforcement. Bush supplied theory. But none of them fundamentally altered how states were incentivized to design, expand, and measure criminal justice systems.

Clinton did.

The 1994 Crime Bill injected roughly $30 billion into state and local law enforcement, tied to three catastrophic policy shifts.

First, it incentivized incarceration.
Nearly $10 billion in prison construction grants were conditioned on “truth-in-sentencing” laws requiring people convicted of violent offenses to serve at least 85% of their sentences. No parole discretion. No meaningful sentence reduction for rehabilitation.

Twenty-nine states adopted these laws to access federal funds. Prison populations exploded—not because crime surged, but because policymakers eliminated the safety valves that once managed capacity and rewarded change.

Second, it dismantled education as rehabilitation.
The bill eliminated Pell Grant eligibility for incarcerated students. Before 1994, more than 300 college programs operated inside U.S. prisons. Within three years, fewer than a dozen remained.

This wasn’t oversight. It was policy. The message was unmistakable: transformation was no longer a goal of punishment.

I know this firsthand. I spent 27 years incarcerated. I taught algebra to 127 men for 56 cents an hour. I earned my bachelor’s degree by correspondence and my master’s degree in statistics through distance learning because traditional pathways were closed by design. When I was accepted into a PhD program while still confined, the American Statistical Association had to advocate for my clemency because the system had no mechanism to release someone who had demonstrably changed.

The system Clinton built wasn’t designed for transformation.

Third, it normalized mandatory sentencing through “three strikes.”
The federal three-strikes provision applied to relatively few people, but it gave states political cover to enact far harsher versions. California’s law—passed the same year—sent people to prison for life over minor offenses. Dozens of states followed.

These laws didn’t reduce crime. They filled prisons.

Why Recidivism Is Baked into the Design

Recidivism isn’t a personal failure. It’s a predictable outcome when policy:

eliminates education and skill development,

removes incentives for rehabilitation,

releases people into communities while legally barring them from housing, employment, and civic participation.

Clinton’s Crime Bill ensured all three.

Consider Iowa. The state adopted truth-in-sentencing in 1996 to access federal funds. Prison populations grew nearly 60% in six years. Education programs collapsed after Pell eligibility ended.

Now, decades later, Iowa Republicans are proposing “three strikes” legislation—despite recidivism being at a ten-year low thanks to treatment programs and restored education access after Pell was reinstated in 2020.

They’re not proposing it because it works. They’re proposing it because Clinton made punitivism bipartisan common sense.

The Uncomfortable Truth

Progressives often blame Republicans for mass incarceration. Nixon, Reagan, and Bush are convenient villains.

But the infrastructure that made mass incarceration permanent—the funding mechanisms, sentencing mandates, elimination of education, and normalization of extreme punishment—was built by a Democratic president with overwhelming Democratic support.

Joe Biden championed the bill. The Congressional Black Caucus supported it. Hillary Clinton warned of “superpredators” who needed to be “brought to heel.”

Republicans supplied the rhetoric. Democrats supplied the policy. And once punishment became bipartisan, it became untouchable.

What Accountability Requires

Ending mass incarceration means dismantling what Clinton built:

Restore and expand prison education, including graduate access

Eliminate mandatory minimums and truth-in-sentencing laws

Abolish collateral consequences that block housing, work, and civic life

Invest in treatment, housing, and employment instead of cages

Reject the revival of “three strikes” policies that already failed

Clinton has acknowledged the 1994 Crime Bill “made the problem worse.” Admission is not accountability. Dismantling is.

Until Democrats reckon honestly with their role, mass incarceration will remain a Republican problem rhetorically—and a bipartisan reality structurally.

And as long as “everyone knows” this is someone else’s fault, nothing will change.

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PO Box 222
Cedar Rapids, IA
52401

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