Farari

Farari Fighting against Russian influence in international organisations

05/01/2026

“📌 This was our greatest experience in the field of international relations and law, where two EU candidate countries — Ukraine and Moldova — as well as Norway, with the active participation of us, Georgians and Chechens, firmly confronted the Russian empire on the legal front.

On the scales were the life of Muhammad Aslan, the reputation of Norway, Ukraine, and Moldova,
my personal reputation, and the resilience of the Caucasus Legion.

How everything unfolded in detail, at the very center of events in which I was personally involved:

🔹 40 days ago, while we were heading to Moldova for a working meeting together with my deputy, Muhammad Aslan, he was detained at the Moldovan border due to an Interpol Red Notice — naturally, at Russia’s request.
Despite a planned informal working meeting with the President of Moldova, Maia Sandu, constitutional procedures and the law were applied at the state border: Aslan was transferred to a Chișinău detention facility, and mandatory legal procedures were initiated.

🔹 After several days, detention was replaced with house arrest — the first small victory in this case. He awaited the final decision in a private apartment in Chișinău, and exactly 39 days later, the case reached its just culmination — Russia lost this extremely important case.
(Muhammad Aslan had been accused by the Russian FSB of fabricated crimes — allegedly eliminating dozens of agents and creating armed formations in Ichkeria during the Second Chechen War; previously, the European Court had fully acquitted him.)

🔹 Through this decision, Moldova demonstrated that internationally recognized human rights do work, and that Russian influence under President Sandu’s leadership is gradually diminishing.

On the first day of detention:

🔹 I met with President Maia Sandu and, in addition to congratulating her on the victory over pro-Russian forces in the elections, informed her about the detention of Muhammad Aslan (also known as Adam Fredriksen), as well as about the broader issues faced by fighters of the Caucasus Legion — unauthorized and unjust persecution through Interpol, which has effectively come under Russian influence.

🔹 On the second day, I was at the Embassy of Ukraine as the commander of a combat unit within the Armed Forces of Ukraine — the Caucasus Legion — and informed the consul about the situation. The Embassy of Ukraine promptly took all necessary measures — my sincere gratitude to them.

🔹 On the third day, given that Muhammad Aslan has been a Norwegian citizen since 2019, I contacted the Embassy of Norway and officially informed them of the detention of their citizen. They did not hesitate and quickly joined the process — thank you to them.

🔹 On the fourth day, I contacted the European Office in Chișinău and explained that people fighting in Ukraine are defending Europe’s security, and that Moldova, as an EU candidate country, should not meet such people “in handcuffs,” but rather assist them with its expertise to ensure effective and rapid interaction with Interpol.

🔹 Considering that Moldova has long been on a European path and that it is difficult to completely eliminate Russian influence in a short time, all processes unfolded quite swiftly. Moldova demonstrated state resilience in the face of the occupying state of Russia by releasing Muhammad Aslan and categorically refusing Russia’s extradition request.

🔹 Unfortunately, our stay in Moldova was dangerous to our lives, as Russian agents and the Russian embassy are still present in the country, and part of its territory remains occupied. For this reason, we refrained from publicity until everything concluded successfully.

🔹 On New Year’s Day, December 31, at the Moldovan–Ukrainian border, our worthy fighter was handed over to the Ukrainian side by the Ukrainian consul and the military attaché of Ukraine in Moldova.

🔹 This was our shared victory over Russian influence.

🔹 I would like to sincerely thank Ms. Maia Sandu, who continues to fight Russian influence in Moldova today and spares no effort in uniting the country and moving it along the European path.
She has achieved very significant and impressive results, though not final ones — until Moldova restores constitutional order throughout its entire territory, since the occupied Tiraspol has effectively turned into a hub of terrorism and smuggling, harming and slowing Moldova’s overall development.

🔹 I believe that Ms. Maia Sandu, together with the Moldovan people, will be able to achieve this in the near future.

🔹 For me, an exceptionally impressive and deeply political experience was my personal conversation with her — a conversation with a president who is among the best European leaders.

🔹 I would like to thank Moldovan patriots and journalists: Ms. Viorica, Mr. Andrii, volunteers Avrelios and Arslan, who stood by us, as well as lawyer Mr. Roman — for their correct understanding of the situation, and everyone in Moldova who took the right side.

🔹 I would like to thank the Ukrainian side: the 9th Separate Brigade, Ukraine’s special services, the Embassy of Ukraine in Moldova, the military attaché, the Caucasus Union, the Prime Minister of Ichkeria Akhmed Zakayev, and every individual who personally stayed in touch and cared about this case.

🔹 I thank my deputy Muhammad Aslan for his endurance — he endured the most, yet despite everything, gave all of us the opportunity to calmly and successfully conclude this complex case.

🔹 This case gave us tremendous experience in jointly resisting Russian influence in EU countries and candidate states.

🔹 Previously, there was the high-profile case of Georgiy Kinoyan, in which we — personally myself and Mikhail Baturin — made significant efforts to secure his release in the Republic of Armenia. Negotiations were conducted at the highest leadership level of Armenia, but this involvement was not made public — evidently, this was deemed necessary at the time. More on this later…

🔹 I hope that very soon we will be able to hold a personal meeting with Interpol leadership to discuss such issues, because today their offices are not being bombed by Russian drones only thanks to the people fighting in Ukraine — and they must hear us.
War is not a crime, and Interpol must not pursue combatants at Russia’s request when they are protected by UN law and internationally recognized human rights.

In 2026, I wish everyone peace and personal freedom!

📸 The photo shows the Ukrainian–Moldovan border, December 31, 2025.

This is how — free — we entered 2026!

Lado Gamsakhurdia
Commander of the Special Unit Caucasus Legion”
9th Separate Unmanned Systems Brigade

🇬🇪🇺🇦 Georgian heroes in Russian captivity: why Russia refuses to release them?Russia does not accept Georgia's independe...
29/12/2025

🇬🇪🇺🇦 Georgian heroes in Russian captivity: why Russia refuses to release them?

Russia does not accept Georgia's independence and Western development?
Personal vendetta?

Mamuka Gatsere lia — a citizen of Georgia who defended Mariupol and “Azovstal” in 2022. He was captured, and Russia sentenced him to life imprisonment, accusing him of “mercenarism”.
Giorgi Chubitidze and Giorgi Goglidze — captured in 2023. They are also being tried as “mercenaries” and remain in Russian prisons.

Not a single citizen of Georgia without Ukrainian citizenship, who fought for Ukraine and was captured by Russia, has been exchanged to date. Prisoner exchanges between Russia and Ukraine happen regularly (dozens in 2024–2025, including hundreds of people), but Russia deliberately excludes foreigners without a Ukrainian passport.

Why does Russia refuse to release them?

• Russia classifies such fighters as “mercenaries” rather than prisoners of war.

• According to the Russian version, mercenaries are not protected by the Geneva Conventions and can be prosecuted as criminals.

• This allows them to avoid exchanges and use the captives for propaganda or political pressure.
But this violates international humanitarian law: According to the Third Geneva Convention of 1949 (ratified by both Russia and Ukraine), a prisoner of war is any combatant captured in battle, regardless of nationality, if they are integrated into the armed forces of one of the parties to the conflict (Articles 4–5).

Foreign volunteers officially serving in the Armed Forces of Ukraine (such as in the International Legion or other units) are lawful combatants, not mercenaries. A mercenary under Additional Protocol I (Article 47) is someone motivated solely by personal gain and who is not a citizen or resident of a party to the conflict. Georgian fighters are motivated by ideology, not extra pay.

Classifying them as “mercenaries” is an abuse of the law to deprive them of prisoner-of-war status and protections (humane treatment, exchange, prohibition of torture).

International organizations (ICRC, UN) have repeatedly called on Russia to comply with the conventions regarding all prisoners.

This is an injustice and a violation of international law! We need to speak louder and demand the exchange of all prisoners, including the Georgian heroes. Freedom to the fighters who defended freedom! 🇬🇪🇺🇦

🔍 Friends, we would like to draw your attention to an important humanitarian aspect of prisoner exchanges in the context...
28/12/2025

🔍 Friends, we would like to draw your attention to an important humanitarian aspect of prisoner exchanges in the context of the Russia-Ukraine conflict.

All those fighting on Ukraine’s side — including foreign volunteers in the International Legion and other units of the Armed Forces of Ukraine — are defending freedom, democracy, sovereignty, and the right of nations to self-determination.

Throughout the conflict, very few cases have been recorded where foreign citizens serving in the AFU returned home through exchanges.

The most notable precedent occurred on September 21, 2022: with mediation by Saudi Arabia, 10 foreign fighters were released (5 Britons, 2 Americans, one each from Morocco, Sweden, and Croatia). Among them were Britons Aiden Aslin and Shaun Pinner.

This was a separate diplomatic agreement, not part of regular bilateral exchanges.

To ensure equality and fairness in the exchange process — in accordance with international humanitarian norms and the principles of the Geneva Conventions — all parties must make joint efforts to include foreign fighters who have the status of legitimate combatants, as Russia not only fails to comply with, but also systematically violates, international norms and the principles of the civilized world.

It is important to develop new mechanisms:

• Involvement of international mediators (ICRC, UN, neutral countries) to verify status and facilitate inclusion in exchange lists.

• Separate tracks for diplomatic negotiations involving third countries whose citizens are in captivity.

• Transparent criteria for recognizing service in regular armed forces.

Only through joint efforts can we ensure that no one defending freedom and democracy is left forgotten in captivity.

🔻We will continue to monitor the situation and keep you informed.

https://t.me/farari2025

🔻Alarming Precedent: Politically Motivated Extradition and Risk of Unfair TrialIn July 2024, two Colombian citizens — Al...
27/12/2025

🔻Alarming Precedent: Politically Motivated Extradition and Risk of Unfair Trial
In July 2024, two Colombian citizens — Alexander Ante (46–48 years old) and José Aron Medina Aranda (37 years old) — were detained in Caracas, Venezuela, while transiting home after serving in Ukraine’s Armed Forces (International Legion, Carpathian Sich battalion).

🔻Venezuela, a close ally of Russia, extradited them to Moscow without transparent procedures. Russia’s FSB announced their detention in August 2024, charging them with “mercenarism” (up to 15 years imprisonment).
This marked the first known case of a foreign volunteer fighting for Ukraine being extradited to Russia.

🔻In November 2025, a Moscow-backed court in occupied Donetsk sentenced both men to 13 years in a strict-regime prison colony.
The men are held in harsh conditions with limited access to independent lawyers or consular support from Colombia. Families report months without contact initially, and serious concerns remain about torture risks and lack of fair trial in Russian-controlled courts.

🔻We demand:

• Immediate consular access for Colombia.
• Independent monitoring of detention conditions.
• Halt to politically motivated use of extradition and Interpol against defenders of Ukraine.

Human rights must not be sacrificed to geopolitics. Foreign volunteers supporting Ukraine’s defense are entitled to protection under international humanitarian law.



👉 https://t.me/farari2025

(Sources: Kyiv Post, The Independent, El País, Al Jazeera, NYT – as of late 2025.)

🔍 The European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) continues to document Russia’s systematic violations of international law an...
26/12/2025

🔍 The European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) continues to document Russia’s systematic violations of international law and human rights.
Key rulings in 2025:

• In July, the Grand Chamber held Russia responsible for widespread abuses in Ukraine since 2014, including mass torture, sexual violence (used as a weapon of war), extrajudicial executions, and inhuman treatment of Ukrainian POWs and civilians in occupied territories.

• Confirmed violations related to the downing of MH17, deportation of children, and censorship of media (e.g., Novaya Gazeta cases).

• Even after Russia’s exit from the Council of Europe in 2022, the ECHR has jurisdiction over violations before September 2022, describing them as “flagrant and systematic.”

Torture has become a tool of repression—both domestically and in the war. This is not isolated incidents, but state policy.

The world must demand accountability!

https://t.me/farari2025

🔍 Giorgi Kinoyan, 29-year-old Georgian citizen, fought on the side of Ukraine in the Armed Forces of Ukraine (AFU/ZSU). ...
25/12/2025

🔍 Giorgi Kinoyan, 29-year-old Georgian citizen, fought on the side of Ukraine in the Armed Forces of Ukraine (AFU/ZSU). Russia placed him on a wanted list for “mercenary activity” and, in October 2024, a court in occupied Donetsk sentenced him in absentia to 7 years in prison.

🪶Detention

On September 3, 2025, Kinoyan was detained at the Armenian-Georgian border (Gogavan checkpoint) while entering Armenia from Georgia with his parents. Armenian border guards detected a CIS database alert (not Interpol). On September 5, a court ordered 40-day extradition detention.

🔻Reason for Detention

The detention was based solely on Russia’s request for his arrest due to participation in combat against Russian forces in Ukraine.

🔻Armenia’s Decision

In early October 2025 (around October 8–9), Armenia refused Russia’s extradition request and released Kinoyan. Official grounds: Extradition would pose a real threat to his life and health (risk of torture or inhumane treatment), violating the UN Convention Against Torture (1984), European Convention on Human Rights (Article 3), and the principle of non-refoulement.

Despite treaties with Russia (1993 CIS Minsk Convention, CSTO membership) allowing extradition cooperation, Armenia can refuse on humanitarian grounds. Similar refusals occurred for Russian deserters/draft evaders. After release, Kinoyan returned to Georgia.

🔻Combatant Status

AFU fighters are considered lawful combatants under the Geneva Conventions, entitled to prisoner-of-war status if captured, not criminal prosecution as “mercenaries.” Russia disregards this classification. By refusing extradition, Armenia effectively prioritized human rights over Russia’s criminal qualification.

🔻This Reflects Armenia’s Aspiration Toward the West

This case is not isolated: Armenia has repeatedly denied Russia’s requests to extradite deserters, draft evaders, and now a fighter on Ukraine’s side. It fits into a broader trend of distancing from Moscow and moving closer to the West under Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan.

🔻Key signs of Western orientation in 2025:

• Freezing participation in the CSTO (effectively withdrawing by year’s end) and refusing funding.

• Strengthening ties with the EU: adoption of a law to launch the European integration process (January 2025), strategic partnership with the US, negotiations on visa-free regime and EU membership.

• Defense diversification: arms purchases from India and France (Russia’s share fell below 10%).

• Reasons: disappointment in Russia after failing to fulfill alliance obligations in Nagorno-Karabakh (2020–2023), accusations of betrayal.

🇦🇲🇪🇺Armenia is balancing (economic ties with Russia remain through the EAEU), but prioritizing human rights and refusing extraditions is a signal of a turn toward European values and standards.
This allows Yerevan to strengthen sovereignty and protect against Russian pressure while orienting toward democracy and the West.

🪶https://t.me/farari2025

🔻Urgent Alert: Russia Withdraws from the European Convention for the Prevention of Torture – What This Means for Combata...
24/12/2025

🔻Urgent Alert: Russia Withdraws from the European Convention for the Prevention of Torture – What This Means for Combatants Fighting for Ukraine Out of Conviction 📢

Dear friends and supporters,
We at Farari Human Rights Organization are deeply alarmed by Russia’s latest step away from international human rights standards. On September 29, 2025, President Vladimir Putin signed a law formally withdrawing Russia from the European Convention for the Prevention of Torture and Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (ECPT). This follows Russia’s expulsion from the Council of Europe in 2022 and continues its systematic disengagement from European human rights mechanisms.
This withdrawal is directly linked to the ongoing war in Ukraine. Foreign volunteers fighting on Ukraine’s side – often motivated by ideology and conviction (defending democracy, freedom, and sovereignty) – are integrated into the Armed Forces of Ukraine (AFU) or the International Legion. Under international humanitarian law (Geneva Conventions), they are lawful combatants, not mercenaries, as their primary drive is not financial gain.

Yet Russia routinely labels them “mercenaries” or “terrorists,” subjecting captured fighters to torture, unfair trials, and even death sentences. The ECPT allowed the Committee for the Prevention of Torture (CPT) to conduct unannounced visits to detention facilities – the last one was in 2022. Now, with no independent monitoring, Russia creates a “black hole” for human rights, where systematic torture of Ukrainian POWs and civilians (documented by the UN, EU, and others) can occur with total impunity.

Why this makes extraditing or transferring these ideological combatants to Russia absolutely impossible:

1. Geneva Conventions (Third Convention, Article 12): Prisoners of war cannot be transferred to the enemy during conflict unless the receiving party guarantees compliance. Documented cases of electric shocks, beatings, and forced confessions against Ukrainian POWs – now without CPT oversight – make any transfer a direct violation.

2. Principle of Non-Refoulement (UN Convention Against Torture, Article 3): No one can be sent to a country where there are substantial grounds to believe they will face torture. Russia’s withdrawal eliminates independent access to prisons, confirming the grave risk. UN experts have highlighted systematic torture as a “state-sanctioned tool” in Russia.

3. Risk of Unfair Trials and Ex*****on: Russia has imposed death sentences or life imprisonment on foreign fighters (e.g., cases in 2022 and 2025). Ideological motivations are twisted into “terrorism” charges, often extracted under torture, with no recourse to the European Court of Human Rights.

4. Broader Human Rights Obligations: Even outside the ECPT, universal norms bind Russia – but this move signals complete impunity. The UN warns of severe risks to all detainees, including on occupied Ukrainian territories.
In practice: POW exchanges between Ukraine and Russia continue, but forced extradition from third countries is prohibited to avoid complicity in violations.

Russia claims this is about “sovereignty” and “discrimination” in the Council of Europe – but we see it as shielding repression. The EU, UN, and human rights defenders view it as proof of disregard for human dignity.

🚨 What can we do? Support petitions to protect POWs, share this post, demand accountability for war crimes, and stand with Ukraine! Join Farari in the fight for justice.



Share your thoughts or stories in the comments – together, we can make a difference!

https://t.me/farari2025

🔝 Russia's grip on international organizations isn't about promoting peace or human rights — it's about shielding aggres...
24/12/2025

🔝 Russia's grip on international organizations isn't about promoting peace or human rights — it's about shielding aggression.

Permanent UN Security Council seat with veto power? Used repeatedly to block resolutions condemning invasions in Syria, Georgia, and Ukraine.

In BRICS and SCO? Pushing anti-Western narratives, turning these groups into platforms that justify "multipolarity" while turning a blind eye to war crimes.

For Moscow, these institutions aren't tools for global justice — they're instruments to legitimize expansionism, dodge accountability, and paralyze the system.

When an aggressor holds the veto, the entire international order gets sabotaged.

How long will the world pretend these organizations are still neutral?

🔍Lots of excuses, but only one truth — Farari

https://t.me/farari2025

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