Fundacion Instituto de Permacultura de El Salvador

Fundacion Instituto de Permacultura de El Salvador Institucion de la sociedad civil que promueve la agricultura permanente para una cultura permanente, PERMACULTURA, en el area mesoamericana.

Instituto de Permacultura de El Salvador [FIPES]
Breve reseña histórica de FIPES

En el año de 1993 un grupo de agricultores practicantes de la “metodología de campesino a campesino” se constituyen en un movimiento agro-ecológico, que posteriormente se convertirían en lideres extensionistas de dicha metodología, capacitando voluntariamente agricultores y agricultoras de la región oriental del paí

s. A finales de 1998 los experimentados agro-ecólogos participan del Primer Curso Mesoamericano de Diseño de Permacultura junto a campesinos e indígenas provenientes de México, Guatemala y Nicaragua, impartido en Perquin, El Salvador. La enseñanza de este curso estaría a cargo de dos instructores de permacultura; el Salvadoreño-Australiano Juan Nelson Rojas y el Guatemalteco Ronaldo Lec Ajcot. Para el año 2000 los nuevos permacultores organizados en dos comisiones de campesino a campesino sirviendo a las regiones oriental y occidental del país; sostienen un seminario de evaluación y análisis de su accionar con el objetivo definir el rumbo mas apropiado ante los nuevos desafíos que enfrenta el crecimiento de su movimiento. La conclusión del seminario da paso a la iniciativa de construir una institución que difundiese la permacultura en El Salvador, dicho proyecto contaría desde su comienzo con el decidido apoyo y patrocinio de la:
• Red de Comunidades Eclesiales de Base de El Salvador (CEBES);
• Warrnambool Uniting Church (Australia);
• Iniciativa Cristiana Romero (Alemania);
• Fundación Inter Americana (USA);
• Individuos y Asociaciones comunitarias nacionales e internacionales. La Fundación Instituto de Permacultura de El Salvador, fue inscrita en el departamento de Organizaciones y Fundaciones sin fines de lucro del Ministerio de Gobernación, como entidad de utilidad publica, no partidaria, no lucrativa, y no religiosa; el 6 de Septiembre de 2002 y sus estatutos legales aprobados según decreto #10 de fecha 29 de Enero del 2004. FIPES desde entonces ha trabajado ejecutando proyectos de desarrollo con permacultura en aproximadamente 80 comunidades de los Departamentos de Morazán, Cuscatlan, La Libertad, Sonsonate y San Vicente; asimismo ha subsidiado e impartido cursos certificados de diseño de permacultura a nivel nacional y en toda el área mesoamericana. Formando a cientos de mujeres y hombres en la Permacultura. FIPES ha forjado alianzas de cooperación con entidades afines de la sociedad civil en nuestro país y en el área centroamericana por la defensa de la madre tierra, la preservación de la biodiversidad y el conocimientos nativo, y a nivel internacional uniéndose a la lucha global por la justicia social y climática.

18/08/2025

WHY OLD THEORIES ON ABORIGINAL COUNTING JUST WON’T GO AWAY

My Australian-educated friends tell me they were taught at school that all Aboriginal people only counted one, two, three, four and 'many'. While it might be the case for some communities, there is also abundant evidence in others of complex Aboriginal number systems extending to high numbers.

The Australian writer Dame Mary Gilmore, for example, commented in her 1934 book Old Days Old Ways: A Book of Recollections that:
'The Aboriginal power to count or compute in his native state was as great as our own. I have seen partially trained native stockmen give the exact number of cattle in a group up to four or five hundred almost without a moment's hesitation, yet authorities on the blacks continue to tell us that the Aboriginal only counted to ten or thereabouts.'

Wardaman senior elder Bill Yidumduma Harney, co-author of 2003's Dark Sparklers: Yidumduma's Wardaman Aboriginal Astronomy Northern Australia, explains how cattle are counted:
'We go five and five all the way and then bunch it up. Go five and five is ten. Then count the number of tens. We call that Yigaga.
I have listed elsewhere many other examples of traditional Aboriginal people counting to high numbers.'

ORIGIN OF THE MYTH

So why do some people believe the generalised view that all Aboriginal people can't count beyond four when there is abundant evidence to the contrary?

I suspect part of this myth has its roots in a distant colonial past when the British invaders maintained a belief, on which the “terra nullius' concept was based, that Aboriginal people were barely human, without culture, civilisation or counting.

When my wife and I were in the Tiwi islands in 2005, the local children were competing to see who could hold their breath longest under water. Although my guidebook said they couldn't count beyond four in their Tiwi language, they were clearly counting to 50 or 60 in a non-English language.

But the myth is reinforced by a linguistic debate about Aboriginal counting words. For example, the distinguished Australian linguist Barry Blake famously said in his 1981 book, Australian Aboriginal Languages: A General Introduction that:

No Australian Aboriginal language has a word for a number higher than four.

Blake's statement refers to a linguistic nuance that does not include compound words such as “thirteen' or “twenty-one', so Blake would probably also say that, with the exception of the words “hundred', “thousand' and “million', the English language does not have a word for a number higher than twelve.

But even Blake's statement has counter-examples. In 1881, James Dawson, in his work The Languages and Customs of Several Tribes of Aborigines in the Western District of Victoria, reported that the Kuurn kopan noot (Gurnditjmara) language has a word for 20 (peep) and 100 (Baarbaanuung).

The Chaap wuurong (Djabwurrung) people had a number system extending to 28 – the number of days in a lunar month – each of which was identified as a place on the body, and as a verbal name which also described that part of the body.

These examples are obviously inconsistent with Blake's statement, as he recently acknowledged to me:

Fair enough. These would be exceptions to my generalisation.

THE MYTH CONTINUES

But the real problem is that his original generalisation is often misinterpreted to mean all Aboriginal people can't count beyond four or Aboriginal people don't have a concept of numbers greater than four, both of which are obviously incorrect.

Even worse, respectable academic papers continue to be published that fly in the face of the evidence.

Last year researchers Kevin Zhou and Claire Bowen, from Yale University, argued in a paper that Aboriginal number systems vary, and could extend beyond ten, but still didn't extend past 20, in conflict with the evidence I've mentioned above.

As a physicist, I am fascinated by the fact that the authors of this paper didn't engage with the contrary evidence. They simply didn't mention it. Why?

Although my training is in astrophysics, I have for the last few years studied Aboriginal Astronomy, on the boundary between the physical sciences and the humanities, and I am beginning to understand a major difference in approach between the sciences and the humanities.

WHAT THE DATA SAY

In physics, data rule supreme. The most brilliant theory by the most eminent physicist in the world can still be shot down by the lowliest graduate student if it is found to be in conflict with the data.

Of course, data may occasionally be disputed, but that process is explicit, calling for a re-examination of the data, or for the experiment in question to be repeated. A physics paper promoting a theory while simply ignoring conflicting data would not survive the peer-review process, or the subsequent derision.

In humanities, the data is often much more dependent on the skills and interpretation of the researcher.

Ethnographic information suffers from potential errors of misunderstanding, mistranslation and misinterpretation, so is fundamentally less reliable than taking a physical measurement with laboratory equipment or a telescope.

Ethnographic experiments are not repeatable. Once a subject has been exposed to the ethnographer, their answers are unlikely to vary. In physics terms, the ethnographer has collapsed the probability wave function.

So perhaps it isn't surprising that papers written by scientists differ in their conclusion from those written by anthropologists and linguists. But which is right?

As a scientist, I will argue that the true answer is the one most firmly based on evidence. Presumably my linguist and anthropologist friends will disagree. And my post-modernist friends will question the notion of truth, and say we all have a valid narrative.

Sorry, but speaking as a scientist, if I can find a single reliable piece of evidence that is inconsistent with your theory, then your theory is Wrong. You might disagree. But please don't ignore it.

- By Professor Ray Norris,, School of Computing, Engineering, and Mathematics, Western Sydney University 2016. As an astrophysicist, he has also undertaken extensive research of Aboriginal astronomy

18/08/2025

We do not want to have to choose between two worlds, and we do not want our world to keep being misheard and misunderstood.
Enough is enough.

Aboriginal people don’t want to be forced to choose between our way and Western way anymore. We’ve already been there for too long. That was the choice our parents and grandparents had to make, and I don’t want my children and grandchildren to have make that choice too.

We are happy to meet half way, 50/50. We are happy to respect Western culture, but it needs to respect Aboriginal culture too. That means listening to Aboriginal people.

We want to continue to protect our cultures, and we want to manage our own lands and resources. We want to be able to access Western culture in our languages as well as in English.

Our children and our people are struggling to cope in two systems that don’t understand each other and too often come into conflict with each other.

We need to find a way for our two systems to work together.
Aboriginal people who practice culture want to be heard. We want to keep culture strong AND also be able to have our kids go to school, to get a job, and not be forced to choose between culture and opportunity.

We want our way of life acknowledged and incorporated into Australian society. We want to be part of Australian culture. Not just our art put on planes or on buildings, but really a part of Australia. We want all Australians to know whose lands they live on, to know which places are special, to protect the lands that we all live on, and to respect Aboriginal people.

For this to happen Traditional Owners need a strong voice to ensure that misleading impressions of Aboriginal people and culture are addressed.

Some of the things I would like to see include:
Land management to incorporate traditional burn off practices to lower greenhouse gas emissions. This is already in some parts of Australia with great success, but it needs to be happening in more places.

School holidays need to be redesigned to incorporate important ceremonies.

Infrastructure needs to be redesigned to allow for wildlife corridors.

Independent translators to ensure that all members of community are involved in discussions and that agreements are fair – all written agreements between communities and governments or businesses should be written in local Aboriginal languages as well as in English.

These are just examples though, there are many other important issues we need to work out to find a way for us all to exist together and respect each other.

There have been lots of things wrong in the past 200 years. But we need to move forward together. We need to find a way to understand each other. To share our cultures with each other. To share the resources with each other and protect them together, to make sure there is enough to go around for everybody and to ensure that there will be enough for the future.

We have a lot to teach other, and we can all benefit from understanding each other but in order for that to happen Aboriginal voices must be heard. Aboriginal culture must be respected and allowed to coexist with Western systems.

We do not want to have to choose between two worlds, and we do not want our world to keep being misheard and misunderstood.

We are the first peoples of this land. We want to keep our culture.

We want to walk together, but we want to do it the right way.
_ _ _ _ _ _ _

By Warlpiri man Ned Jampijinpa Hargraves
via IndigenousX https://bit.ly/2XUugob

07/05/2025

CORANDERRK: FIRST NATIONS FARMERS AND MARKET GARDENERS

This successful Aboriginal enterprise was destroyed by government legislation believed to be prompted by the jealousy of white settlers. The main workforce was forced off the land through government legislation and some of the land was later handed to 'white soldiers setters' as Soldier Settlement blocks.

Even though many Wurundjeri people served in the war, Aboriginal servicemen were not eligible for these government war service settler blocks in Victoria.

Coranderrk, Victoria, was an early First Nations mission station set up in 1863, the station ran successfully for many years as an 'Aboriginal' enterprise selling wheat, hops and crafts to the growing market of Melbourne. The produce from the farm won first prize at the Melbourne International Exhibition in 1872.

By 1874 the 'Aboriginal Protection Board' were looking at ways to undermine Coranderrk by moving people away to Lake Tyers Mission, due to their successful farming practices and the settlers had their eyes on the land.

Five older people refused to move and continued living there until they died. James Wandin was the last person born at Coranderrk Station, in 1933, in the home of his grandmother, Jemima Wandin.

MORE OF THE STORY

In March 1862 after three years of upheaval, the surviving leaders, among them Simon Wonga and William Barak, led forty Wurundjeri, Taungurong (Goulburn River) and Bun warrung people over the Black Spur and squatted on a traditional camping site on Badger Creek near Healesville and requested ownership of the site.

They were anxious to have the land officially approved so that they could move down and establish themselves. An area of 9.6 km² was gazetted on 30 June 1863, and called it 'Coranderrk', at the Aboriginal people's suggestion because it was the name they used for the Christmas Bush (Prostanthera lasianthos), a white flowering summer plant which is indigenous to the area.

A Royal Commission in 1877 and a Parliamentary Inquiry in 1881 on the 'Aboriginal Problem' produced the Aborigines Protection Act 1886, which required 'half-castes' under the age of 35 to leave, meaning around 60 residents were ejected from Coranderrk on the eve of the 1890s Depression.

This made Coranderrk a non-viable enterprise, as it left only around 15 able-bodied men to work the previously successful hop gardens. Almost half the land was resumed in 1893; and by 1924 orders came for its closure as an Aboriginal Station, despite protests from Wurundjeri returned servicemen who had fought in World War I.

Many people were relocated to Lake Tyers in Gippsland though a few people did refuse to move.

In 1920, Sir Colin MacKenzie, a leading medical researcher, leased 78 acres (320,000 m2) from the Aboriginal Protection Board to begin his work in comparative anatomy with Australian fauna. This was the catalyst for the creation of the Healesville Animal Sanctuary which still remains today.

Coranderrk eventually became unoccupied, and in 1950 the land was handed over to the Soldier Settlement Scheme. Aboriginal Returned Servicemen were not allowed to obtain Soldier Settlement Blocks in Victoria.

It wasn't until March 1998 the part of the Coranderrk Aboriginal Station was returned to the Wurundjeri Tribe Land Compensation and Cultural Heritage Council when the Indigenous Land Corporation purchased 0.81 kms.

SOURCE:
Coranderrk: First Nations Farmers and Market Gardeners https://bit.ly/3SuC5Jz

Plenty of articles available online using search engines such as Google

IMAGE:
Top: Coranderrk Hop Farming, The successful Coranderrk hop farm - Published in 'The Illustrated Australian News', May 1872 (Culture-Victoria collection)

Bottom: Putting in poles for their prize winning hops in Coranderrk gardens. William Barak in back row, third from left. Circa late 1800s - early 1900s

26/03/2025

Having a legal action lodged with a court being refused is not usually the ideal outcome. Yet, the attempt by Veteran Aboriginal Activist Robbert (Robbie) Thorpe proposes to launch a private prosecution against so-called King Charles III for the crime of genocide being denied by the Victorian Supreme Court has cleared the way for the Krauatungalung elder to take the matter to a higher court beyond local borders.

After the Victorian Magistrates Court refused to issue proceedings, following Thorpe having lodged a chargesheet against the King on 20 October 2023, he stood before Justice Melinda Richards on 19 July last year, to argue that the court should accept the case and issue a summons.

The chargesheet raised the alleged offence of genocide under three different types of law: First People’s sovereign law, Victorian common law and under federal law, in terms of the genocide offences contained in division 268 of the Criminal Code Act 1995 (Cth).

In her 5 February 2025 findings, however, Richards found that the court has no jurisdiction to prosecute genocide under any of these laws.

And although Thorpe had sought to prosecute Charles Phillip Arthur George Windsor in relation to the ongoing genocide against the First Peoples of this continent, he didn’t expect the Australian courts to run with the case, as it would mean recognising the long-denied commission of genocide on these lands.

Yet, the court’s recognition of its inability to prosecute genocide in respect of all three sets of laws operating in Victoria, is exactly what is needed to take the case to a higher authority that can: the International Criminal Court.

Domestic remedies exhausted

“This has tested the will of the state. We knew they were not going to rule in our favour, because it’s basically committing su***de for them if they do,” Thorpe told Pearls and Irritations. “This is clearing the decks of all the blocks they have, like finding that they’ve got no jurisdiction – genocide has universal jurisdiction if they understand the convention.”

“Every time we mention genocide in the courts in this country it goes some way to creating a pathway to where we really want to go at the end of the day and that’s to the International Criminal Court,” the Krauatungalung elder continued.

“We know we are never going to get justice in this country.”

Thorpe has been running genocide cases against various accused since the mid-1990s. Three decades ago, he was attempting to invoke the 1948 Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, which Australia ratified in July 1949. And this was all prior to the establishment of the ICC on 1 July 2002, which came into being when the Rome Statute came into force.

The ICC only prosecutes the four core international crimes: genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes and the crime of aggression. The highest criminal court on the planet only accepts a case such as Thorpe will raise, when the state it is in response to “is unwilling or unable genuinely to carry out the investigation or prosecution”, which is in accordance with article 17 of the Rome Statute.

Another significant outcome of the ruling was the Victorian Supreme Court recognised the “widely acknowledged truth that the sovereignty of the First Peoples of Victoria was never ceded”, which is the first time Aboriginal sovereignty has been recognised in the highest court of that state.

“We are exposing the unwillingness, the reluctance and the inability to deal on the international legal level,” said Uncle Robbie. “That’s exhausting all domestic remedy.”

Blocking genocide prosecutions

A senior registrar of the Magistrates Court of Victoria refused to issue proceedings in respect of the chargesheet Thorpe filed against Charles Windsor on 29 December 2023, on the basis that the charge was “continuing acts of genocide against First Peoples, contrary to First Peoples’ sovereign laws, the common law of Victoria and division 268 of the Criminal Code Act 1995 (Cth)”.

As Thorpe explained, Windsor is the head of the state that continues “the forced removal of children, the killing of our people in custody, deliberately inflicts conditions of life with intent to destroy and is destroying the culture”. And the accused and his family, the Windsors, preside over the nation that invaded First Peoples Country, so “they’re fundamental to the whole process of genocide here”.

The Windsors have benefitted from the genocide on this continent, according to Uncle Robbie, and “nothing has changed”.

In turning to the matter before her, Justice Richards found that in respect of First Peoples sovereign law, the Magistrates Act 1989 (VIC) does not confer jurisdiction to determine offences under it, but rather it only allows for the court to deal with Victorian and Commonwealth law.

As for Victorian common law, Richards referred to the 1999 Federal Court case Nulyarimma versus Thompson, which saw Wadjularbinna Nulyarimma, Isobel Coe, Billy Craigie and Thorpe, appeal against the decision of Phillip R Thompson, an ACT Magistrates registrar, for not issuing warrants for the arrest of federal politicians John Howard, Pauline Hanson, Tim Fisher and Brian Harradine.

The charge against the then PM, the One Nation leader and the two other politicians was genocide, under the 1948 Genocide Convention, due to the 10-point plan changes to the Native Title Act 1993 (Cth). And the court found that although Australia had ratified the convention, it had never been enacted into law, nor had the offence of genocide been incorporated into common law.

Genocide is the worst crime of all and it’s a complex one as well: there are five ways in which it can be committed, and it is always perpetrated “with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group”.

As Australia ratified the Rome Statute, recognising the universal jurisdiction of the ICC, it was too required to enact all forms of genocide, as well as war crimes and crimes against humanity, in federal law, and these crimes are now contained in division 268 of the Criminal Code.

The division 268 genocide offences are section 268.3 genocide by killing, section 268.4 genocide by causing seriously bodily or mental harm, section 268.5 genocide by deliberately inflicting conditions of life calculated to bring about physical destruction, section 268.6 genocide by imposing measures intended to prevent births and section 268.7 genocide by forcibly transferring children.

But just as the nation ratified the Genocide Convention, yet failed to make it of consequence domestically, the Howard Government ratified the Rome Statute but also enacted the attorney general’s fiat. Section 268.121 of the Code requires the Australian attorney-general to sign off on a genocide prosecution, while section 268.122 makes any such decision made by the AG permanent.

Richards explained that the findings relating to the 2019 High Court case Taylor versus the Attorney General held in respect of Thorpe’s case. The 2019 case was also a private prosecution against then Myanmar state counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi for the crime against humanity of deportation or forcible transfer of a population in regard to the Rohingya people, which is also covered by the AG’s fiat.

The High Court found that the nation’s chief lawmaker not only has to sign off on a prosecution against a division 268 Criminal Code offence, but such a case must be brought in the attorney-general’s name, which would be included when filing the chargesheet with a court registrar.

So, this means it’s not a matter of the AG merely giving consent to a genocide prosecution, rather the office bearer must bring the case.

A higher authority

Uncle Robbie says every time that Australian genocide gets mentioned in the courts it is significant, as it has rarely been raised in the courts since they were established. Indeed, when he first took these crimes to the courts in the 1990s, it was almost forbidden for the word genocide to be uttered, and he points out that the word is now part of the vernacular.

A number of developments over recent years have brought more attention to the genocide perpetrated here, which has included the Israeli state-perpetrated genocide against the Palestinians of Gaza.

The genocide prosecution against the king and another Thorpe brought against Australian Israeli Mark Regev, a former advisor to Israeli PM Benjamin Netanyahu, received widespread attention both locally and overseas last year.

In response to a question about whether it was time to go to the ICC, Thorpe said, “Yes, it is time to go there.” He explained that people are now taking a closer look at the Richards ruling and added that every time an Australian court has to judge on local genocide, “they fall further into the abyss”.

“You want genocide to stop at the end of the day, not when the colonisers think they are ready for it. We want it done today,” Thorpe said. “We want restoration and restitution. We are not subject to your law. We have already got one.

“So, we have to make these points, and we will continue our struggle and argument, as long as we can until we get justice,” he said. “Everyone deserves to be free from genocide.”

- By Paul Gregoire
SOURCE: https://johnmenadue.com/

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