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H. S Resource Center, Jalingo (2026)

08/05/2025

FROM AFRITOCRACY TO SHADOW CABINET: A MIRAGE IN THE NIGERIA'S POLITICAL HORIZON

The proprietor of Lagos Business School and astute politician, Pat Utomi, has proposed the formation of a Shadow Cabinet codenamed the "Big Tent Coalition." The initiative aims to bring together opposition parties and civil society groups to scrutinize existing government policies, identify lapses, and propose reforms in key sectors such as education, healthcare, infrastructure, law and order, and constitutional reform.

However, the proposal does not augur well with the government, which describes it as an aberration—arguing that it lacks constitutional backing under the presidential system and is more suited to a parliamentary structure.

The government went further to state that the legislative assembly already provides a legitimate framework through which dissenting voices can be heard and policy alternatives debated. It also views the proposed Shadow Cabinet as an attempt to legitimize a parallel government, which could undermine official institutions.

Most Nigerians are not familiar with the idea of a Shadow Government, much less understand its pros and cons. A Shadow Cabinet is often seen as symbolic or a "dummy" cabinet, given that it can propose but not execute, investigate but not prosecute.

In essence, it is composed of individuals appointed by the opposition party to "shadow" ministers in the ruling government, with portfolios mirroring those of the actual cabinet—such as defense, finance, foreign affairs, education, and healthcare. The party chairman or parliamentary leader typically heads this structure, which is sometimes referred to as a “government-in-waiting.”

Despite criticisms, proponents argue that such a system could enhance accountability, deepen democratic engagement, and prepare alternative leaders for future governance.

Notably, Nigeria’s own democratic practice has revealed signs of institutional inertia. President Buhari delayed cabinet appointments for six months, and President Tinubu took two and a half months after inauguration. These delays fueled doubts about the governing readiness of elected administrations. A functional Shadow Cabinet, by contrast, would signal policy preparedness and alternative leadership from day one.

Government unease is further heightened by the opposition’s prospects of building a formidable coalition. The emergence of high-profile figures like former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, Peter Obi, and Nasir El-Rufai evokes memories of the united front that successfully removed President Jonathan from power in 2015. A similar alliance today, strengthened by a structured Shadow Cabinet, could present a serious challenge to the incumbent administration.

Yet, Nigeria remains a conservative state, often resistant to new political innovations. The democratic models of the United States and the United Kingdom—though both matured democracies—differ structurally. The Electoral College in the U.S. and the Shadow Cabinet in the U.K. serve as institutional mechanisms that reflect deeper systems of checks, balances, and structured opposition. These are essences that showcase indirect accountability and policy continuity.

This brings to mind the call by elder statesman and renowned orator, the late Yusuf Maitama Sule, who once proposed a model called Afritocracy—a system designed to align with the cultural values of the African man. Sadly, he died without seeing it materialize. In much the same way, it remains doubtful whether the model now being advocated by Pat Utomi will ever come to fruition in Nigeria's political climate.

HUSSEIN A. B. SANI
08/05/2025

08/04/2025

NYSC ISN’T THE ANSWER: INVEST IN EDUCATION, LIKE THE ASIAN TIGERS DID

Nigeria stands at a critical crossroads in its educational policy. At the heart of the Minister of Education, Dr. Tunji Alausa’s, proposed reforms—most notably the shift from the 9-3-4 education model to a 12-4 structure and the extension of the NYSC program from one to two years—is a vision to modernize education and align it with entrepreneurship and national development. Yet, a closer inspection reveals a troubling contradiction: these reforms risk burdening Nigerian youth further without addressing the deeper failures of the system.

The 12-4 model, in principle, offers students a longer period of foundational education, followed by four years of tertiary training designed to instill entrepreneurship, technical skills, and civic values. In theory, this should eliminate the need for a prolonged post-graduate entrepreneurial training proposed to NYSC.

However, the Minister’s proposal to stretch the NYSC to two years directly undermines this vision. If, after 16 years of formal education, young Nigerians are still considered unfit for the workforce, then the issue lies not in the length of their service, but in the quality and delivery of education itself.

Holding NYSC to ransom for an additional one year will amount to mortgaging the future of Nigerian graduates. Their most active years will be consumed by a program offering partial training that serves more as an avenue for siphoning government funds than delivering value.

In a country where the average life expectancy is just 60 years, every added year is precious. Anything beyond that is considered living on borrowed time. To trap young Nigerians in a prolonged service scheme without meaningful outcomes is not only economically short-sighted but morally indefensible.

These contradictions are not new. In fact, they echo policy missteps of the past. Growing up in the 1980s, I witnessed firsthand how vocational education was once prioritized.The government had established artisan and vocational training centers across various states, and in secondary schools, we were taught practical skills like carpentry, building construction, upholstery, and other hands-on trades.

These skills were meant to foster self-reliance and economic productivity among school-leavers. Unfortunately, systemic corruption and chronic underfunding caused these centers and programs to decline, eroding a generation’s access to technical knowledge and closing off viable paths to employment.

Today, Nigerians have woken up to see people from African neighboring countries leading the charge in designing parapets, POP, and other modern architectural finishes.

This is not because Nigerians lack creativity, but because successive governments have failed to invest in practical, skill-based education. The result is a dependence on external expertise for tasks that should have been mastered locally.In contrast, Asian youth are increasingly dominating innovation hubs like Silicon Valley, home to global new media giants such as Facebook, Twitter, TikTok, WhatsApp, LinkedIn, Google, and YouTube.

They contribute substantially to cutting-edge technologies and hold between 10–15% of executive roles, including as CEOs, CTOs, and startup founders. These youth built apps that transformed global communication, entertainment, and business. Meanwhile, in Nigeria, youth are left waiting for their NYSC call-up letters, not building startups or contributing to technological advancements.

Their success is not accidental—it is the product of governments that prioritized education, technology, and skills development. These countries didn’t extend national service schemes—they invested in classrooms, in teachers, in research, and in equipping young people with globally competitive skills.

Meanwhile, the consequence of failing to invest in practical education in Nigeria is now reflected in the burden shifted onto the NYSC. Originally created in 1973 to promote national unity in the wake of the Civil War, the NYSC program has drifted far from its core mission.

Today, corps members are routinely exposed to insecurity, undercompensation, and disillusionment. Extending the program will not empower graduates—it will further delay their entry into an already hostile job market, often without meaningful skill acquisition.

Worse still, NYSC members have increasingly become victims of violence, kidnappings, and fatal road accidents. Just a couple of days ago, three corps members who had successfully passed out were killed along the Zakibiam-Wukari road, victims of inter-ethnic tension.

These tragedies are not isolated incidents; they reflect a national service scheme that is woefully unprepared to protect those it claims to serve. About 80 corps members have been reported kidnapped in Nigeria, and many lost their lives during elections in Bauchi, Rivers, Lagos, and other states.

Rather than expose graduates to prolonged and dangerous service, Nigeria could take a
cue from countries that focused on educational
and economic infrastructure.

The Asian Tigers—Singapore, South Korea, Taiwan, and Hong Kong—transformed their economies not through extended national service schemes but through bold investments in quality education. They professionalized teaching, built globally competitive institutions, and ensured their curricula were aligned with labor market demands.

In contrast, Nigeria continues to underfund its education sector, allocating just 6.4–7.9% of the 2024 budget to education (₦1.54 trillion), far below UNESCO’s recommended 15–20%.
Meanwhile, a staggering ₦2.8 trillion was allocated to a single project—the Lagos-Calabar Coastal Highway

Such skewed priorities betray a governance culture that prizes symbolic infrastructure over sustainable human capital development. Where others placed brains before bridges, Nigeria continues to pour billions into roads while allowing its educational foundations to crumble. The consequence is a generation of young Nigerians who graduate with certificates but without skills, then face a national service system that offers more risk than reward.

In conclusion, the Minister of Education’s reforms—though perhaps well-intentioned—fall short of addressing the core problems. Extending NYSC is a superficial fix that diverts attention from the need for a radical overhaul of Nigeria’s educational structure.

What we need is not longer service, but stronger schools; not temporary placements, but permanent, practical skills. Until we choose students over cement, schools over symbolic projects, and brains before bridges, Nigeria’s dreams of economic transformation will remain a mirage.

HUSSEIN A. B. SANI
07/04/2025

01/10/2024

NIGERIA@64:A CALL FOR INTROSPECTION

The goal of every economic policy is to achieve a sustainable and inclusive level of economic development that translates into improved welfare, security of lives and property, and overall happiness for the population.

In Nigeria, a four-year term may not provide sufficient time to implement long-term development projects, particularly in sectors like infrastructure, education, or healthcare, which require sustained investment and planning over many years.

An elected president is expected to achieve these goals within the limited time frame of the first four-year term before seeking the next mandate. Considering the litigation timeline for the 2023 presidential election, it took the Presidential Election Tribunal and the Supreme Court 8 months to deliver judgment.

In addition, it took the administration a total of 16 months from its onset on May 29, 2023, to appoint Special Advisers , service Chiefs , Ministers , Ambassadors and Managing Directors/CEOs of Agencies and Chairmen of Boards/Agencies, on average of 4 months apart.

Apparently, the president has only now and next year for the effective implementation of policies and programs, as he will be highly engaged in presidential campaigns in the fourth year. The fundamental question that needs to be asked is: how much time does the president have to achieve the goals of his administration?

One of the key challenges the administration faces is the soaring prices of food and basic necessities, triggered by the removal of fuel subsidies. This has placed an additional burden on the population, particularly low-income earners, and has worsened the cost of living crisis.

Given these challenges and the limited time for action, I recommend that the administration adopt the principles of a social market economy. This approach balances economic efficiency with social equity through cash transfers, healthcare access, job opportunities, and subsidies for essential services like food, education, and healthcare.

Germany is a prominent example of a country with a social market economy. This system blends free-market capitalism with strong social welfare programs, ensuring economic growth while providing a safety net for citizens through public services like healthcare,unemployment benefits, and pensions, cash transfers, traders money, etc.

Other countries, such as Austria and the Netherlands, also follow similar social market economy models. Germany still remains the strongest economy in the EU, having bailed out more than six other member countries despite operating under a social market economy.

Several Nigerian leaders, such as Sir Ahmadu Bello (the Sardauna of Sokoto), Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa,General Murtala Mohammed, General Johnson Aguiyi-Ironsi, General Sani Abacha, President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua, and Muhammadu Buhari, had their leadership cut short due to death, coups, or health issues.

Buhari, in particular, suffered from health issues that led to extended medical absences during his time in office. These events have left a lasting impact on the nation's political landscape, from which President Bola Tinubu can draw analogy.How can he be certain he will win a second mandate in 2027, in a time where betrayal has become commonplace?

Buhari's experience is a good lesson of history. He emerged as president with every support he needed and great enthusiasm to transform the nation but left the scene disappointed, as he was betrayed by his trusted inner circle and appointees.

HUSSEIN A. B. SANI
01/10/2024

26/07/2024

THE OIL WAR: NNPC VS. DANGOTE REFINERY

The ultimate goal of every economic management effort is to achieve a high level of economic independence, which serves as a safeguard for national sovereignty.

Soon after attaining political independence, Nigeria established 590 public enterprises as part of its drive toward economic independence. The oil and gas industry, a symbol of colonial legacies, outpaced agriculture to become the pillar of Nigeria's economy.

A shift in economic philosophy prompted a transition from a regime of social enterprise to a profit-oriented one, initiating the process of privatization and commercialization of public enterprises through Decree No. 25 of 1988 and the Public Enterprises Act of 1999.

The private sector was thus to become the engine of growth, while government functions were limited to legislation, regulation, and taxation.

Specifically, the development of the Privatization and Commercialization Decree No. 25 of 1988, the Public Enterprises (Privatization and Commercialization) Act of 1999, the Nigerian Investment Promotion Commission (NIPC) Act of 2004, the Federal Competition and Consumer Protection Act (FCCPA) 2018, and the Petroleum Industry Act (PIA) 2021 provided a framework for the liberalization of the economy.

These legislations facilitated private participation, privatization, and commercialization of public enterprises and provided market protection to induce efficiency and competition.

This framework also explains the transition of NNPC to a limited liability company, facilitated by the PIA 2021, with shares open to private ownership, and the emergence of a formidable competitor, Dangote Refinery, in the oil and gas industry.

Though established in 1977, NNPC is a colonial legacy, and the discovery of oil in Oloibiri in 1956 by Shell Petroleum Development Company (SPDC) in present-day Bayelsa State gave birth to Nigeria's oil industry.

The NNPC has an installed capacity of 650,000 barrels per day across its refineries; however, it produced only 445,000 barrels per day before the four refineries in Port Harcourt, Warri, Delta, and Kaduna eventually ceased operations.

The Dangote Refinery, valued at approximately $20 billion, is the world’s largest single-train refinery, with a capacity to process 650,000 barrels of crude oil daily.

It has the capacity to produce 50 million liters of gasoline and 15 million liters of diesel each day, meeting Nigeria’s entire refined product needs and enabling exports.

Given its value, capacity, and global ranking, the Dangote Refinery is a formidable competitor to NNPC, particularly as NNPC's refineries have struggled with operational issues.

The Dangote Refinery’s efficiency and capacity are poised to transform Nigeria’s oil sector, boost competition, and reduce reliance on imported fuels.

This historical narrative helps in understanding and appreciating the context in which the economic war between NNPC Ltd and Dangote Refinery is being fought. Considering the ownership structure of NNPC (jointly owned by the Ministry of Finance and the Ministry of Petroleum Resources) and its joint ventures with multinational oil companies such as Shell, ExxonMobil, Chevron, TotalEnergies, Eni (Agip), Addax Petroleum, Oando PLC, and Lukoil, one can conclude that it is dominated by foreign multinational oil companies.

The lack of technical know-how to develop the infrastructure of oil prospecting and exploration is incidental to the continued foreign domination.

For example, LNG Limited, located on Bonny Island in Rivers State, is valued at $6 billion and funded through a consortium of multinational companies: NNPC (49%), Shell BV (25.6%), TotalEnergies (15%), and Eni (10.4%).

The continued dominance of foreign MNCs suggests that technology transfer has not taken place despite over 70 years of operation in Nigeria, being the potential benefits of Foreign Direct Investment (FDI).

The ingratitude of foreign partners is evident when they, as technical partners or owners of oil rigs, manipulate the cost of crude oil production to inflate their profits.

This insincerity is compounded by the fact that they dictate terms, often exaggerating production costs, which skews the profit-sharing arrangement.

Under this scheme, the government receives 60% while the technical partners and clients take 40%, leaving little incentive for genuine collaboration or investment in local development, as the government does not receive what it ought to have gotten.

ROOT CAUSES

In line with OBJ's privatization policy, the Kaduna and Port Harcourt refineries were sold to a tripartite consortium: BLUE STAR, owned by Dangote Oil, Zenon Oil, and Otedola's Transcorp. However, BLUE STAR pulled out of the deal after realizing that the cost of resuscitating the refinery outweighed potential benefits.

Initially, the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPC) agreed to buy a 20% stake in the Dangote Refinery for about $2.76 billion. However, due to its inability to pay the remaining balance by June 2024, NNPC's stake was reduced to 7.2%.

This change shows NNPC's decision to limit its equity participation to the amount already paid, corresponding to the 7.2% stake it now holds. The two scenarios could be sources of strain in the relationship between the two oil giants.

Market and price dynamics could also be a factor. Dangote is selling diesel at N1,225 per liter, causing prices at filling stations to drop from around N1,700 per liter to N1,420-N1,500 per liter.

This undercuts NNPC's prices and will pressure them to lower prices further. The Independent Petroleum Marketers Association of Nigeria (IPMAN) wants to buy diesel from Dangote for N700-850 per liter, arguing that without import costs, forex, and vessel charges, Dangote's price should be much lower than imported diesel.

If Dangote agrees, it will drive prices down even more. However, there are concerns about the purported quality of Dangote's diesel, with the regulator stating it is "inferior."

Currently, NNPC's strategy is to use Dangote's product quality issues as a competitive weapon, which could limit Dangote's competitiveness. Apparently, Dangote is fighting a solo battle against multinational oil companies proxied by NNPC Ltd.

The question then arises: What is the purpose of liberalizing the Nigerian economy through the various acts mentioned earlier if the Dangote Refinery cannot be seen as a success story and an outcome of the effectiveness of economic liberalization policy?

Does this also confirm Atiku Abubakar, the Waziri of Adamawa's claim that his business empire has been ruined by the APC government?

Hussein A. B. Sani
23/7/2024

26/07/2024

DEMOGRAPHIC TIME BOMB: WHY NIGERIA MUST RETHINK ITS ECONOMIC AGENDA

Needless to speculate on the logic of border closure, subsidy removal, and currency devaluation; these macroeconomic policy decisions, which cause hardships for Nigerians, are undoubtedly the precursors of the planned protest.

As the scheduled date approaches, the government feels increasingly threatened by the prospect of anarchy, as evidenced by the involvement of critical stakeholders such as religious leaders and traditional rulers to prevail over the youths who are potential recruits of the faceless organizers of the protest.The speedy resolution of the labor crisis, with a compromise position offering and accepting a minimum wage of 70,000, is another case in point.

Looking at Nigeria's socio-economic and political landscape, the one indisputable fact is that Nigeria is a diverse and potentially industrious nation, which is cause for celebration.However, the major contradiction is that Nigerians are a divided people, and this is a significant cause for the government's trembling agitation for a peaceful resolution.

Nigeria is deeply divided along ethno-religious and geopolitical lines. Even within the context of the Islamic and Christian faiths, there exist potentially explosive conflicts that are ideologically based.

Nigeria has a rich youth demographic, with 70% of the population under 30 years old. However, they have not been given the necessary value orientation to appreciate the greatness of Nigeria and their potential to drive transformation.

In addition, the youth are often associated with various cultic names, like "Sara S**a," "Marlian boys," and "agbero," which have become the nightmare of every city in Nigeria. To that extent, they are no longer the anticipated drivers of positive change but rather a demographic time bomb.

The severe economic hardship experienced by Greeks, which led to social unrest, is enough reason for Nigeria not to premise its economic agenda solely on the whims of the International Monetary Fund (IMF).

The protest should not be seen as a platform for the convergence of revolutionary ideas but as an avenue where violence against perceived enemies finds expression.

Given the above background on inherent division andyouth restivenes , the effectiveness of the protest to secure justice for citizens is a remote possibility.

The riots, galvanized by widespread reports of extrajudicial killings and extortion by some elements within the police force, have polarized the nation and nearly got out of control.

Given the inevitability and potential consequences for the government and Nigeria's future, why must the government continue to insist on maintaining the status quo at the expense of the ultra-extreme poor?

HUSSEIN A. B. SANI
25/07/2024

H. S Resource Center

08/05/2025

08/04/2025

01/10/2024

26/07/2024

26/07/2024

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