10/07/2026
I Am Not Seeking to Restore the Monarchy in Libya.
Nasser Al Senussi, Consensus Government Candidate, in His First Press Interview with UAE-based Erem News.
The Interview with UAE’s Erem News: Visions and Positions on Libya’s Future.
Note:
The link to the full interview published by the newspaper is available in the first comment.
Who is Nasser Al Senussi?
I am a Libyan citizen belonging to a family with a distinguished historical legacy of uniting Libyans. However, I do not regard my family name as a political privilege, but rather as a moral responsibility.
I believe in dialogue, peace, reconciliation, and bringing our people closer together. I work to present initiatives and ideas that help bridge differences among Libyans and support every peaceful path that leads to the reunification of state institutions, the end of political division, and the holding of free and fair elections.
If some believe that my role contributes to breaking the current political deadlock, I consider that an honor. However, the real solution remains a collective responsibility that requires consensus among all Libyans, not the efforts of one individual.
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Your name has recently circulated within UN circles in Geneva and among Western diplomats as a possible candidate for Prime Minister. Have you held meetings with domestic and international parties in this regard?
My name has indeed been mentioned in certain political and media circles, and I have been contacted by several Libyan figures from the House of Representatives, the High Council of State, as well as current and former politicians. This is only natural given the ongoing search for solutions to Libya’s crisis.
As part of my political activity, I have met with a number of Libyan and international figures. My focus remains on supporting any process that can achieve stability, unify institutions, and lead to elections that allow Libyans to choose their leaders.
If, at any stage, the national interest requires assuming responsibility, it should only be within the framework of national consensus and the will of the Libyan people.
I have also heard that my name has been discussed in international circles. Nevertheless, I emphasize that any political role must be based on clear Libyan acceptance and genuine national consensus.
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What are the political prospects for Nasser Salah Mansour Safi Al Din Al Sharif Al Senussi in the next phase?
Political prospects are not determined by names alone, but by the extent to which the current stage requires a consensus-oriented figure capable of engaging with all sides.
If there is a serious move toward establishing a temporary government with a clearly defined mandate leading to elections, I believe that any individual who promotes an inclusive vision and can communicate with different parties will have a meaningful role.
My primary concern is that Libya emerges as the true winner in the coming phase, with institutions built upon legitimacy, competence, and national consensus. As for positions of authority, they should be determined by the will and agreement of the Libyan people, not by personal ambitions.
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Does your approach to a Libyan-led solution overlap with the efforts of Mohammed Al Senussi, who advocates reactivating the 1951 Constitution?
Mr. Mohammed Al Senussi is my cousin and my friend, and I hold him in the highest regard and respect. However, my current approach is entirely independent.
I am not engaged in a royalist project, nor do I represent any initiative aimed at restoring the monarchy. Rather, I advocate a national path based on consensus, reconciliation, and elections. My position stems from an independent national vision focused on rescuing our country and building a modern Libyan state, not on representing any individual or specific group.
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You previously wrote that the Senussi Order was originally a religious and social reform movement rather than a political project. Is it correct to associate every member of the Senussi family with specific political positions simply because of their family background?
Yes. The Senussi Order was fundamentally a religious and social reform movement, not a political project or a party seeking power. Members of the Senussi family are Libyan citizens who have the same right as any other citizen to engage in politics or remain outside it.
Confusing the Senussi reform movement with the political choices of individual family members leads to an inaccurate understanding of both history and reality. Not every Senussi is a politician, and not every political position can be attributed to or represents the Senussi Order.
It is therefore important to distinguish between the reformist legacy established by Imam Muhammad ibn Ali Al Senussi and the political positions of individual family members, for which they alone bear responsibility.
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Libya is currently witnessing three political initiatives: a UN initiative, an American initiative, and one proposed by the three presidencies. Which do you believe is best suited to resolve the political division and lead to elections?
In my view, these initiatives should not be seen as competing alternatives. Instead, the positive elements of each can be combined if the objective is to achieve a sustainable Libyan solution.
Ultimately, no initiative will succeed without the acceptance of the Libyan people themselves, because the real solution must be Libyan in substance, even if it enjoys regional or international support.
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Do you support the American power-sharing proposal, particularly after U.S. envoy Massad Boulos stated that the choice of names should be left to the Libyans?
Any approach that allows Libyans to choose their own leadership and shape their own institutions is, in principle, a step in the right direction.
What matters more than personalities is having a transparent and consensus-based mechanism that enjoys the confidence of the Libyan people and ensures that the transitional period is clearly time-bound and concludes with free and fair elections.
If the American initiative genuinely leaves the selection of leaders to Libyans, that is a positive aspect. However, the final judgment depends on the full details of the initiative, its ability to achieve broad national consensus, end political division, and avoid creating yet another open-ended transitional period. The objective is not power-sharing but returning power to the Libyan people through the ballot box as soon as possible.
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If Libyans accept the American proposal, what would they receive in return?
I have no official information indicating that there is a specific quid pro quo. What has been published so far remains largely media speculation.
Any successful political agreement should produce direct benefits for the Libyan state, foremost among them the reunification of institutions, restoration of stability, economic improvement, attraction of investment, strengthening of security and military institutions, and enhancement of Libya’s international standing.
If, however, the price involves compromising Libya’s sovereignty or the right of Libyans to determine their own future, that would be unacceptable. Any international partnership must respect Libya’s sovereignty and serve the interests of the Libyan people above all else.
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Russia and China have significant interests in Libya. Can the United States impose its proposal without their approval?
I believe that any initiative concerning Libya will require at least a minimum level of international understanding, since the major powers all have important interests in the Libyan file.
However, the decisive factor remains Libyan consensus. If Libyans agree on a clear national path, it will be far easier to mobilize international support than to become the subject of international competition.
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Is Washington seeking stability for Libya or stability for its own interests in Libya?
Every country naturally seeks to protect its own interests, and the United States is no exception.
The success of any international initiative in Libya depends on the extent to which those interests align with the interests of the Libyan people in achieving stability, institutional unity, and elections. What matters to us is that any international partnership serves Libya’s interests first.
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After more than fourteen years since the February Revolution, why have all UN initiatives failed to unify the country?
The problem has never been the lack of initiatives. Rather, it has been the absence of sufficient political will to implement them, the continuation of institutional division, and the conflict between domestic and international interests.
No initiative, however well designed, can succeed without genuine Libyan political will, supported by national consensus and international guarantees that respect Libya’s sovereignty and help implement what Libyans themselves agree upon.
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Do you believe the structured dialogue sponsored by UN Special Representative Hanna Tetteh is simply another political maneuver?
I believe the structured dialogue represents a genuine opportunity, provided there is political will to implement its outcomes.
It is more than a discussion forum, having produced practical recommendations for addressing Libya’s political and constitutional deadlock.
Its success will not be measured by what is written in the report, but by the ability of Libyans, with serious international support, to translate those recommendations into concrete steps leading to elections and the end of the transitional period.
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The constitutional process has been frozen since 2017. Can elections be held without a constitution?
A clear constitutional basis is essential before elections if stability is to be genuine. At the same time, the continued suspension of the constitutional process should not become an excuse to postpone elections indefinitely.
It is possible to agree on a temporary constitutional framework to govern the elections while allowing the Libyan people to decide the country’s long-term constitutional future afterward.
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Should the House of Representatives and the High Council of State step aside to resolve the constitutional and electoral deadlock?
I do not use the term “step aside” in the sense of exclusion. However, it is clear that the continuing disagreement between the two bodies has become a major obstacle.
What is required is either a serious and rapid agreement or the adoption of a new formula that gives the Libyan people the opportunity to renew legitimacy through elections.
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Irregular migration is placing enormous pressure on Europe. Has Libya become a “border guard” in exchange for financial support?
The migration issue should not be reduced to money or border policing.
Libya is itself a country affected by irregular migration, not merely a transit route.
What is needed is a fair partnership that respects Libya’s sovereignty while addressing the security, economic, and humanitarian roots of the problem.
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What is your opinion regarding reports that Lieutenant General Saddam Haftar may run for President of the Presidential Council?
Mr. Saddam Haftar is a Libyan citizen and has the right to participate in political life and seek any office in accordance with the law and whatever Libyans agree upon.
In my opinion, serious discussion should focus less on personalities and more on the programs and visions candidates intend to implement.
The true measure of anyone aspiring to national leadership is the practical solutions they offer for ending division, unifying institutions, achieving stability, and improving the lives of citizens, rather than their name or affiliation.
If Saddam Haftar’s name is proposed as part of any political arrangement or initiative, he should be judged on the basis of his political program and his ability to achieve national consensus and serve the public interest, just as any other candidate should be.
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Regarding national reconciliation and the issues of the missing and detainees, is Libyan society capable of forgiving and turning the page?
Yes. I believe Libyan society is capable of forgiveness and moving beyond the past because forgiveness is deeply rooted in our social and religious values.
However, genuine reconciliation does not mean forgetting or ignoring the suffering of victims. It requires acknowledging the pain, uncovering the truth, delivering justice to those affected, and resolving the cases of the missing and detainees in accordance with the law.
A lasting national reconciliation cannot be built while these issues remain unresolved. At the same time, the country cannot remain imprisoned by the past forever.
The goal is to strike a balance between justice and forgiveness, protecting rights, providing redress, closing the files of the past in a fair manner, and allowing everyone to move forward in building a state governed by the rule of law that preserves the dignity of all Libyans.
I firmly believe that the overwhelming majority of Libyans want to end division and open a new chapter because the future of coming generations is more important than continuing old conflicts.
If genuine political will exists, together with effective mechanisms for justice and reconciliation, Libya is fully capable of overcoming its current challenges and moving toward stability and national unity.
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Women and civil society remain marginalized in decision making. How can they be included in shaping Libya’s future?
A new Libya cannot be built on exclusion.
Women and civil society must become genuine participants in decision making rather than merely symbolic representatives.
They should have meaningful representation in dialogue committees, elections, reconciliation processes, and oversight of state institutions.
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If you were appointed Prime Minister for just one year with full executive authority, what would be your first three decisions to save Libya?
First: Launch an urgent plan to unify the country’s executive, financial, and public service institutions.
Second: Establish a national commission for reconciliation, addressing the files of the missing and detainees, and providing reparations to victims.
Third: Set a clear timetable for adopting the constitution and holding elections, while ensuring adequate security, public services, and the necessary legal framework, so that the government serves as a bridge toward a permanent constitutional order rather than becoming another enduring authority.
