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Simple solution for reducing pendency of cases is to doaway with “precedents” nay, repeal of Article 141 of theConstitut...
04/09/2022

Simple solution for reducing pendency of cases is to do
away with “precedents” nay, repeal of Article 141 of the
Constitution.


“Simple things can be done in simple ways;
Hard things too can be done in simple ways;
But it requires an inventive brain
and can be done without much strain”

1. The above words of a poet, I believe, should be the guiding lamp when we think of judicial reforms. There are two streams of administration of justice, one, the civil law system followed in the European continent and the Latin America, and the other the common law system followed in UK, India, America and other common law countries. While in the civil law system the problem of arrears of cases poses no threat to the administration of justice, the demon of arrears threatens the very survival and legitimacy of the administration of justice where the common law is followed, in particular, in India.

2. Both the common law and the civil law systems are founded on Roman law. The major difference is that while in common law countries even a single judicial decision is a binding precedent, in countries where civil law system is in vogue, a Judge of a lower Court is not bound by the judgment of a superior Court. In countries where civil law is followed, the Judge decides the case according to the statute and text books of erudite authors, subject to the same to be corrected by the superior Court. On the contrary, in countries where common law is followed, lawyers and Judges spend enormous time to find out what is the law applicable, which would mean consuming days and days to discuss a precedent. This would also mean, in contrast to countries where the civil law is followed and where judgments are brief and largely based on facts alone, that in common law countries, discussing what the law is, the judgments running into thousands of pages. The classic example is the judgment in Kesavananda Bharati, which has half a million pages, so too the judgments in the recent Aadhar and NJAC cases, both close to the judgment in Kesavananda Bharati.

3. In England, at one point of time, precedent was considered very useful because statutes were in a very rudimental form, in pieces/scratches. The consolidation and codification process by the British Parliament in the last more than a century, however, meant far less relevance for precedents. The supremacy of the Parliament in England is readily accepted and, therefore, the Judges decide cases according to the Act of Parliament. On the contrary, in India, our Courts pay scant respect to statutes, nay, even the Constitution. Our Judges even rewrite the Constitution as they did in Judges-2 case to bring in the collegium system of appointment of Judges where they appoint themselves.

4. It is Article 141 of our Constitution, which is nothing but restatement of the judgment of the House of Lords in London Street Tramways Co v. London County Council [1898] AC 375 (HL), which meant the Courts becoming the rule-makers, even prevailing over express constitutional/statutory provisions. Article 141 has literally meant Judges to be the supreme legislature, executive and adjudicator, all at once, and the supremacy of judicial decisions, which came out in thousands of pages every day, has reduced the law to a total mess. Nobody knows what the law is. Days and days are spent by Courts for deciding a case in their endeavor to find out what is the law applicable, referring to precedents after precedents. What is most startling is that it is difficult to mention even one principle which the Supreme Court has evolved since its existence in 1950 where none existed and, therefore, it became necessary to evolve one for the first time to resolve the controversy which arose before it, which could be a precedent binding on all Courts and Tribunals under Article 141.

5. The Government with a view to reduce the arrears and to simplify laws, had in the recent past repealed large number of defunct laws. But that has not helped at all in solving the problem. G.W Paton in his book on jurisprudence written in the 1940s had lamented the calamitous situation of the law to be applied to be found from 2 million reported cases. We don’t have the exact statistics or the number of reported judgments. We could easily exceed the 2 Million mark.

6. The prescription for the malaise, the demon of arrears, is repeal of Article 141 and do away with the concept of precedent, except where reliance on it is absolutely necessary, which would mean the Courts being able to decide intricate issues relying on pure statutory provisions, leaving the legislature to fill up the gaps and, in the worst scenario, the Court to fill up the interstice.

Mathews J. Nedumpara,
President
National Lawyers’ Campaign
For Judicial Transparency and Reforms
9820535428

To, Hon'ble Shri U.U Lalit,Chief Justice of India.OPEN LETTERMay it Please Your Lordship, I read from the print media th...
31/08/2022

To,
Hon'ble Shri U.U Lalit,
Chief Justice of India.

OPEN LETTER

May it Please Your Lordship,

I read from the print media that your Lordship has said that laying down the law is the primary job of the Supreme Court and that your Lordship would at least constitute one permanent constitution bench which could take up for hearing many an important issue which have been pending for long. Your Lordship made the said statement in the background of the regret expressed by outgoing CJI, Shri Ramana, that he could not focus much on this aspect, for he had to focus on the pressing need for reducing the backlog in the matter of appointments and judicial infrastructure.

I may probably be the sole dissenting voice of your Lordship's said decision. I do so with utmost honesty and deep rooted conviction. Your Lordship, nay, majority of the readers of this letter probably may not agree with me. But i am certain that my letter will at the least ignite an intellectual thought process. Your Lordship enrolled in the year 1983 and the humble self enrolled in the year 1984. As a lawyer who comes from rural backgrounds, who had all his education in the vernacular language, practiced in all courts and tribunals from the lowest to the highest, in all branches of law, I earnestly believe that our justice delivery system has totally failed. It is on the ventilator and I do not see any meaningful effort being taken to salvage it. Even the most well meaning steps have proven to be counterproductive.

Hon'ble Shri Justice Chandrachud, very recently exhorted judges to write judgments in a simple language, reminding that the litigant should be able to comprehend it. Simplification of laws and procedure is one of her core agendas of National Lawyers'Campaign for Judicial Transparency and Reforms, of which the humble self is the founder. We have a large number of enacted laws in the forms of Acts and Rules made during the British era and since then over the last 75 years. These Acts, Rules, Regulations, Notifications, run into thousands and thousands of pages. Besides this, we have more than 2 million reported judgements by the Supreme Court, HCs and tribunals.

Article 141 did only incorporate the concept of precedent in it. Judicis est desire non jus dare - the province of the judge is to declare the law and not to make it. But that has been reduced to a mere theory. In practice, every word of a judgement of the Supreme Court is now sought to be made the "law of the land". The fact that a judgement of the Supreme Court, even of the full Court, will bind only the parties, is forgotten. Today, the distinction between precedent and res judicata is forgotten. Very recently, the High Courts of Telengana and Allahabad convicted police officers for contempt of court for violating the directions in Arunesh Kumar, though the said police officers were not party to the said case. In Kerala, the High Court, through contempt of court proceedings executes the judgement of the Supreme Court in a case (K.S Varghese, 2019) where only three churches were parties on 1061 other churches which were not parties by even calling for the CRPF.

The PILs, which i am afraid to say judges liberally entertain because it confers unlimited powers with absolutely no accountability, have made the situation even worse. The fundamental principle that the record of Parliament, nay, the Act of Parliament, binds everyone because every citizen is symbolically present in the Parliament and every Act of Parliament is enacted with his consent and that that the record of a Court, i.e., it's judgement will only bind the parties to the proceedings, is forgotten. All PILs are illegitimate. On the contrary, 'pro bono litigation' where a person aggrieved who is unable to approach the court owing to poverty, illiteracy, etc. is represented by a public spirited person, is perfectly legal. The tragedy is that the distinction between the two is forgotten.

A few lawyers in Delhi to whom the Supreme Court is easily accessible, have made filing of Public Interest Litigation on every issue under the sun, which falls under the exclusive province of the legislature and executive, their primary vocation. There is another tribe, the so-called environmentalists, who file PILs, primarily for extortion. They are against every infrastructure and developmental project. They engage the expensive lawyers and they together become self appointed guardians of public causes. The common man who desperately waits for the day, for instance, in Bombay, the coastal road and metro etc., become a reality, is at their mercy. The Court only hears the extortionists masquerading as champions of public cause. The common citizen is not heard. Let me not mince words, while rendering judgements on issues concerning the public at large, involving their rights, entirely behind their back, hearing a PIL Petitioner or sometimes even on suo motu PILs (the court being the 'actor'/Petitioner and 'judex'/judge), hearing the court appointed amicus curiae, is undemocratic and unconstitutional.

Judicial review, is a great, time tested concept. But judicial review in the rest of the world, except for Pakistan and Bangladesh, is quite different from ours. In India, judicial review has been abused to such an extent as to abort legislative policies, nay, the will of the people. The classic example is the NJAC.

We have had ever so many celebrated decisions which are against the first principles of jurisprudence. Kesavananda Bharati opened the doors of this Court under Article 32 to busybodies who do not complain of the violation of any of their rights, much less fundamental rights. The decision of the Supreme Court in Hurra v. Hurra, where the concept of res judicata and precedent were misunderstood, led to the creation of a laughable procedure called curative petition. The judgement in Transcore, where the concept of election of forum and election of remedies was misunderstood meant litigation in banking laws becoming infinite.

To sum up, creation of constitutional benches to hear many a pressing long pending issue which finds great glamour in the public domain, is not going to resolve any issue. We have too many judgments which are contradictory to each other. The creation of constitution benches would mean the addition of thousands of pages to the "binding precedents" to the already mind boggling volume. I am not saying that these controversies ought not be decided. If precedent is the validity of the principle behind the judgement, and not the strength of the bench, which nobody who is sound in jurisprudence can dispute, then the larger issues which are referred to the constitution benches can be decided by a bench of two judges.

I believe that the outgoing Chief Justice did not give priority to the constitution of larger benches despite the clamour from vests Interests, because he understood that the real priority is adjudicating the real lis which have been pending for decades, particularly, of those sentenced to capital punishment and life imprisonment, whose appeals have been pending for more than two decades.

The lobbies which clamour for the constitution of larger benches for adjudicating political issues which are not even justiciable stand to profit from it immensely. For them it is about fame, name and money. Your Lordship will find it difficult to resist their pressure.

With folded hands, i remain, in the hope that my dissentient view will inspire your Lordship's thought process.

With respectful regards,

Yours sincerely

Mathews J. Nedumpara

Address

101, Gundecha Chambers, Near Bombay High Court
Mumbai
400001

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