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Tuwawa Publishing House, Sabeto village, Nadi (2026)

11/11/2025

Did you know that the Laguna Copperplate Inscription (LCI) — the oldest written document ever found in the Philippines (dated 900 CE) — mentions ancient Philippine places that still exist today?

The inscription, written in Old Malay with Sanskrit and Javanese influences, records a debt pardon issued by a local ruler. It even references the Chief of Dewata representing the Chief of Mdang, a powerful nod to the Medang Kingdom (Mataram) of Java, Indonesia, a major Hindu-Buddhist state that flourished from the 8th to 10th centuries CE.

📜 Places Mentioned in the LCI:

Tundun – the ancient Kingdom of Tondo, now part of modern Manila.

Pailah – possibly Paila, Pulilan (Bulacan) or nearby Paila, Rizal.

Binwangan – possibly Binangonan, Rizal, or Binwangan, Obando, Bulacan.

Puliran (Pulilan) – a settlement near Laguna de Bay.

Mendang (Mdang) – identified with the Medang Kingdom in Java.

Butwan (Butuan) – the powerful Butuan Kingdom in Mindanao, famed for gold and trade with Champa and China.

These names carved on copper reveal that the Philippine islands had rulers, writing, and international ties more than a thousand years before Spanish arrival.

16/10/2025

Historical Context: Creation of the ITLTB and Loss of Control of Landowners (Ownership)

1. The Principle of Inalienability (Post-1874)

When Fiji was Ceded to Great Britain in 1874, the colonial government, led by Governor Sir Arthur Gordon, immediately halted the sale of native land to foreigners. This was a crucial protective measure, establishing the principle that iTaukei land was inalienable—it could not be sold, with minor exceptions to the Crown/State for public purposes. This principle is upheld in the current Fijian Constitution. The vast majority of Fiji's land (around 87-88%) is iTaukei land, which is recognized as belonging to the various mataqali (landowning units).

2. The Native Land Trust Act of 1940

The Native Land Trust Act (NLTA) of 1940 (later renamed the iTaukei Land Trust Act) was the culmination of extensive debate and lobbying, primarily led by the influential chief Ratu Sir Lala Sukuna. The primary objectives of establishing the Native Land Trust Board (NLTB)—now the iTaukei Land Trust Board (ITLTB)—were:

a.) Protection: To secure and protect the inalienable ownership of iTaukei land.

b.) Administration: To manage all iTaukei land that was not required by the owners for their immediate use (surplus land) and make it available for national development, primarily for leasing to non-iTaukei farmers (mostly Indo-Fijians for sugarcane) and other commercial ventures.

3. Vesting of Control in the Board

The critical feature of the 1940 Act, and the core of the current tension, is that it vested the control and administration of all iTaukei land in the Board (Section 4 of the Act).
a.The landowners retained ownership (the land could not be sold from them).
However, the ITLTB gained the sole power to decide on:
i.Which land would be declared Native Reserves (land for the exclusive use of the mataqali).
ii. Which land would be leased (and under what terms).
iii. The distribution of rents and premiums from leases to the landowning units.

This effectively created a trusteeship model, where the ITLTB acted as the statutory trustee and custodian of the land on behalf of the iTaukei landowners. It was an administrative solution intended to:

1.) Prevent the gradual alienation of iTaukei land through unmanaged leases and transactions.

2.) Provide stability and a legal framework for leasing land, which was a national necessity for Agricultural Development

The Argument for Changing the ITLT Act hinges on several points:

1. Superficial Ownership vs. Economic Empowerment

While landowners receive rent, their ownership is seen as superficial because they lack the final say in its commercial use. As Proponents of reform, we argue that direct control would allow iTaukei landowners to become direct economic actors, negotiate better terms, and enter into modern business partnerships for land development without the bureaucratic filter of the ITLTB.

This aligns with modern concepts of economic self-determination.

2. Diminished Vanua Connection

The Fijian concept of Vanua is a holistic term encompassing the Land, People, and Culture, where the Land is an extension of identity and is managed through Customary Leadership.
The centralisation of control in a statutory ITLTB Board, rather than with the Vanua (the Chiefs and Traditional Leadership of the Mataqali), is seen by some as a diminution of Customary Authority and the intimate Cultural connection to the Land.

3. Governance and Transparency

Historically, Landowners have often raised concerns about the ITLTB's efficiency, transparency, and distribution of benefits. They argue that a system where they can make decisions directly—or through their own representatives with greater accountability—would lead to better outcomes than reliance on a large Centralized State Entity.

4. Recent Legislative Amendments (The Focus of Change)

The most recent changes have targeted the ITLTB's administrative powers. For example, the iTaukei Land Trust (Budget Amendment) Act 2021 (which was subject to subsequent legislative attempts at reversal) sought to remove the requirement for lessees of iTaukei Land to obtain the ITLTB's consent for mortgages, charges, pledges, or caveats on their leases.
While this change primarily benefited lessees and the banking sector by simplifying financial transactions, it was criticized for further weakening the ITLTB's oversight powers—the very powers meant to protect the Landowners' interests.

The proposed change we should recommend is the allowing Landowners to "actually own the land and have their say directly"—would require a fundamental legislative shift: either devolving the ITLTB's administrative monopoly to the Mataqali or other Landowner-chosen trust structures, or revising the core provisions of the 1940 Act (e.g., Section 4) to make the Board's role purely Advisory, Technical, or limited only to specific functions, while empowering the Landowners to have a direct saying to their Land.

By Jone Goneiwai, Suva, Fiji Islands. 16|10|2025

13/10/2025

𝐓𝐡𝐞 𝐏𝐢𝐯𝐨𝐭𝐚𝐥 𝐑𝐨𝐥𝐞 𝐨𝐟 𝐌𝐚𝐭𝐞𝐫𝐧𝐚𝐥 𝐇𝐞𝐚𝐥𝐭𝐡 𝐢𝐧 𝐒𝐡𝐚𝐩𝐢𝐧𝐠 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐅𝐮𝐭𝐮𝐫𝐞 𝐨𝐟 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐢𝐓𝐚𝐮𝐤𝐞𝐢 𝐏𝐨𝐩𝐮𝐥𝐚𝐭𝐢𝐨𝐧 🌸👼🏿

In the intricate tapestry of Fiji's demographic future, the health and well-being of iTaukei mothers emerge as a crucial thread, holding significant sway over the community's population growth trajectory for the next quarter-century. While mortality rates and birth rates are fundamental demographic indicators, a deeper analysis reveals that good maternal health is not merely an important factor but a cornerstone for sustainable population growth among the indigenous Fijian community.

Fiji has made commendable strides in improving maternal and child health outcomes. The nation has seen a notable decline in its maternal mortality ratio and infant mortality rate over the past few decades, a testament to the concerted efforts of the Ministry of Health and Medical Services and its partners. These efforts include the implementation of various programs aimed at enhancing antenatal care, ensuring skilled birth attendance, and improving access to reproductive health services.

The direct correlation between good maternal health and population growth is multifaceted. At its most fundamental level, improved maternal health directly reduces maternal mortality, ensuring that mothers survive childbirth and continue to contribute to their families and communities. It also significantly lowers the risk of neonatal and infant mortality, meaning more children survive their critical early years. When families are confident that their children will survive and thrive, it can influence fertility decisions.

Furthermore, the concept of maternal health extends beyond mere survival. A healthy mother is better equipped to care for her children, ensuring they receive adequate nutrition, immunization, and early childhood development support. This creates a positive feedback loop, where healthier children are more likely to grow into healthy adults who, in turn, can contribute to a more robust and growing population.

For the iTaukei population, which constitutes the majority in Fiji, these factors are particularly pertinent. While precise, recent total fertility rate (TFR) data for the iTaukei community is not readily available, existing demographic trends and studies on adolescent fertility suggest that the iTaukei population is growing at a faster rate than other ethnic groups in Fiji. This demographic momentum underscores the importance of investing in the health of iTaukei mothers to ensure this growth is sustainable and leads to positive societal outcomes.

Several socioeconomic factors also intertwine with maternal health to influence birth rates. Access to education and economic opportunities for women, for instance, can lead to delayed childbearing and smaller family sizes. However, when these opportunities are coupled with high-quality maternal healthcare and family planning services, women are empowered to make informed choices about their reproductive lives, leading to healthier and more planned pregnancies.

Cultural norms and values within the iTaukei community also play a significant role in family structures and fertility patterns. Respect for motherhood and family is deeply ingrained, and ensuring that women have the support and healthcare they need to navigate pregnancy and childbirth safely aligns with these cultural values.

Looking ahead to the next 25 years, a continued and strengthened focus on maternal health will be paramount for the iTaukei population. This includes addressing any remaining disparities in access to healthcare, particularly in rural and maritime regions. It also involves a holistic approach that encompasses not just clinical care but also nutrition, education, and empowerment for women and girls.

𝗟𝗲𝗱𝗮 𝗶𝗧𝗮𝘃𝗶 𝗻𝗮 𝗠𝗼𝗺𝗼 𝗾𝗮𝗻𝗶𝗮 𝗻𝗮 𝗩𝗮𝗻𝘂𝗮 (𝗜𝗻𝗱𝗶𝗴𝗲𝗻𝗼𝘂𝘀 𝗠𝗲𝗻 𝗮𝗻𝗱 𝗖𝗼𝗺𝗺𝘂𝗻𝗶𝘁𝘆)

The holistic support of mothers and maternal health within the iTaukei society is crucial for shaping the future of the population. Drawing on both traditional values and modern public health approaches, iTaukei men and the wider community can contribute in several interconnected ways:

1. 𝙏𝙝𝙚 𝙍𝙤𝙡𝙚 𝙤𝙛 𝙞𝙏𝙖𝙪𝙠𝙚𝙞 𝙈𝙚𝙣 (𝙋𝙖𝙧𝙩𝙣𝙚𝙧𝙨, 𝙁𝙖𝙩𝙝𝙚𝙧𝙨, 𝙖𝙣𝙙 𝙇𝙚𝙖𝙙𝙚𝙧𝙨)

Historically, in many cultures, men are the primary decision-makers, and their involvement is key to a mother's well-being and access to care.

• 𝐅𝐢𝐧𝐚𝐧𝐜𝐢𝐚𝐥 𝐚𝐧𝐝 𝐌𝐚𝐭𝐞𝐫𝐢𝐚𝐥 𝐒𝐮𝐩𝐩𝐨𝐫𝐭:

o Prioritizing Health Costs: Ensuring the mother has funds for transport, medication, and nutritional needs related to antenatal care (ANC), delivery, and postnatal follow-up. Research indicates that financial barriers, including for transport, are a significant access issue.

o Providing Nutrition: Actively ensuring the mother has access to and consumes a healthy, balanced diet, sharing the responsibility that traditionally falls heavily on women.

• 𝐀𝐜𝐭𝐢𝐯𝐞 𝐏𝐚𝐫𝐭𝐢𝐜𝐢𝐩𝐚𝐭𝐢𝐨𝐧 𝐢𝐧 𝐇𝐞𝐚𝐥𝐭𝐡𝐜𝐚𝐫𝐞:

o Attending Appointments: Accompanying the mother to ANC visits and delivery (where culturally appropriate and logistically possible) to be informed, receive counselling, and show support.

o Shared Decision-Making: Moving beyond traditional gender roles where men may be the sole decision-makers on family matters (including family planning and seeking care). Men should be informed partners in decisions about contraception, birth preparedness, and emergency response.

• 𝐄𝐦𝐨𝐭𝐢𝐨𝐧𝐚𝐥 𝐚𝐧𝐝 𝐏𝐫𝐚𝐜𝐭𝐢𝐜𝐚𝐥 𝐒𝐮𝐩𝐩𝐨𝐫𝐭:

o Reducing Workload: Taking on a greater share of household chores and child-rearing responsibilities during pregnancy and the postnatal period to allow the mother to rest and recover.

o Encouragement and Motivation: Offering constant emotional support and encouragement for the mother to attend all necessary health appointments, especially when cultural or personal anxieties (e.g., about talking to health workers) are a barrier.

2. 𝘾𝙤𝙢𝙢𝙪𝙣𝙞𝙩𝙮 𝙖𝙣𝙙 𝙎𝙤𝙘𝙞𝙚𝙩𝙖𝙡 𝘾𝙤𝙣𝙩𝙧𝙞𝙗𝙪𝙩𝙞𝙤𝙣

The extended family and the community structure (e.g., the koro or village, church groups) are vital support networks.

• 𝐑𝐞𝐯𝐢𝐭𝐚𝐥𝐢𝐳𝐢𝐧𝐠 𝐂𝐨𝐦𝐦𝐮𝐧𝐢𝐭𝐲 𝐇𝐞𝐚𝐥𝐭𝐡 𝐍𝐞𝐭𝐰𝐨𝐫𝐤𝐬:

o Community Health Workers (CHW): Strengthening the role of community health workers and local leaders to bridge the gap between formal health services and the remote population.

o Health Promotion: Utilizing community settings, such as village meetings (bose), churches, and schools, to conduct culturally appropriate awareness campaigns on the importance of early ANC, safe motherhood planning, and nutrition.

• 𝐋𝐞𝐯𝐞𝐫𝐚𝐠𝐢𝐧𝐠 𝐈𝐧𝐝𝐢𝐠𝐞𝐧𝐨𝐮𝐬 𝐒𝐮𝐩𝐩𝐨𝐫𝐭 𝐒𝐲𝐬𝐭𝐞𝐦𝐬:

o Extended Family Care (Vuniwere): Ensuring the traditional practice of material and emotional support for postpartum women and infants is maintained, which can help prevent postnatal depression.

o Addressing Cultural Barriers: Creating safe spaces to discuss sensitive topics like family planning, sexual and reproductive health, and domestic workload, which can be challenging due to cultural taboos (tabu).

• 𝐀𝐝𝐯𝐨𝐜𝐚𝐭𝐢𝐧𝐠 𝐟𝐨𝐫 𝐀𝐜𝐜𝐞𝐬𝐬:

o Emergency Preparedness: Establishing community-level systems for quick transport (e.g., a village vehicle or designated driver) and financial resources to manage obstetric emergencies, especially in remote areas.

o Policy Support: Supporting and advocating for government and NGO policies, such as financial incentives for birth registration and programs that specifically promote male engagement and target vulnerable populations (like young or single mothers).

3. 𝙎𝙝𝙖𝙥𝙞𝙣𝙜 𝙩𝙝𝙚 𝙁𝙪𝙩𝙪𝙧𝙚 𝙤𝙛 𝙩𝙝𝙚 𝙞𝙏𝙖𝙪𝙠𝙚𝙞 𝙋𝙤𝙥𝙪𝙡𝙖𝙩𝙞𝙤𝙣

The investment in maternal health directly impacts the future population through:

• 𝗛𝗲𝗮𝗹𝘁𝗵𝗶𝗲𝗿 𝗖𝗵𝗶𝗹𝗱𝗿𝗲𝗻: Improved maternal health and nutrition lead to better birth outcomes, fewer childhood illnesses, and better development.

• 𝗜𝗻𝗳𝗼𝗿𝗺𝗲𝗱 𝗙𝗮𝗺𝗶𝗹𝗶𝗲𝘀: Greater male involvement and open communication within families, supported by the community, lead to better-informed choices on family size, health behaviours, and resource allocation.

• 𝗦𝘁𝗿𝗼𝗻𝗴𝗲𝗿 𝗛𝘂𝗺𝗮𝗻 𝗖𝗮𝗽𝗶𝘁𝗮𝗹: By ensuring every child has a healthy start and legal identity (through timely birth registration), the foundation is laid for future access to education, social services, and ultimately, a more productive and resilient iTaukei population.

𝗶𝗧𝗮𝘃𝗶 𝗻𝗶 𝗠𝗮𝘁𝗮𝗻𝗶𝘁𝘂 𝗩𝗮𝗻𝘂𝗮 𝗾𝗮𝗻𝗶𝗮 𝗻𝗮 𝗩𝗮𝗻𝘂𝗮-𝗖𝗼𝗸𝗼𝘃𝗮𝘁𝗮 𝘃𝗮-𝗬𝗮𝘀𝗮𝗻𝗮 (𝗜𝗻𝗱𝗶𝗴𝗲𝗻𝗼𝘂𝘀 𝗚𝗼𝘃𝗲𝗿𝗻𝗮𝗻𝗰𝗲 𝗦𝘂𝗽𝗽𝗼𝗿𝘁)

The indigenous political-administrative structure in Fiji, encompassing the Provincial Councils (Matanitu-Cokovata) and the local District (Matanitu) and Village (Koro) Governance (the Vanua structure), is uniquely positioned to translate national health and early childhood development (ECD) policies into tangible, culturally-rooted actions.

Their effectiveness lies in their authority, local knowledge, and direct connection to the community, allowing them to address geographical, cultural, and socio-economic barriers faced by native Fijian mothers and children.

By aligning the strategic power of the Provincial Council, the organizational capacity of the District, and the direct support mechanisms of the Village, the Fijian's indigenous governance system can become the most effective engine for improving maternal and early childhood outcomes. This approach respects the Matanitu-Vanua structure while addressing modern health imperatives.

(𝘚𝘦𝘦 𝘩𝘰𝘸 𝘦𝘢𝘤𝘩 𝘭𝘦𝘷𝘦𝘭 𝘰𝘧 𝘵𝘩𝘦 𝘝𝘢𝘯𝘶𝘢 𝘢𝘯𝘥 𝘗𝘳𝘰𝘷𝘪𝘯𝘤𝘪𝘢𝘭 𝘎𝘰𝘷𝘦𝘳𝘯𝘮𝘦𝘯𝘵 𝘴𝘵𝘳𝘶𝘤𝘵𝘶𝘳𝘦 𝘤𝘢𝘯 𝘱𝘭𝘢𝘺 𝘢𝘯 𝘦𝘧𝘧𝘦𝘤𝘵𝘪𝘷𝘦 𝘳𝘰𝘭𝘦 𝘪𝘯 𝘵𝘩𝘦 𝘤𝘰𝘮𝘮𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘴 𝘴𝘦𝘤𝘵𝘪𝘰𝘯.)

In conclusion, while various demographic and social factors will undoubtedly shape the future of the iTaukei population, good maternal health stands out as a key enabler of positive and sustainable growth. By ensuring that every iTaukei mother has the opportunity for a safe pregnancy and childbirth, and the support to raise healthy children, Fiji is not only investing in the well-being of its indigenous community but also laying the foundation for a more prosperous and demographically balanced nation.

12/10/2025

𝐍𝐀 𝐂𝐀𝐁𝐄 𝐍𝐈 𝐋𝐎𝐓𝐔 𝐄 𝐓𝐔𝐁𝐎𝐔 – 𝟏𝟐 𝐍𝐈 𝐎𝐊𝐎𝐓𝐎𝐕𝐀, 𝟏𝟖𝟑𝟓
𝘝𝘢𝘬𝘢𝘳𝘢𝘶𝘵𝘢𝘬𝘢: 𝘙𝘦𝘷 𝘐𝘭𝘪𝘮𝘦𝘭𝘦𝘬𝘪 𝘒 𝘚𝘶𝘴𝘶 (𝘛/𝘊 𝘕𝘢𝘴𝘦𝘢)

𝙄 𝙅𝙤𝙣𝙞 1:9 “𝙎𝙖 𝙞 𝙠𝙤𝙮𝙖 𝙜𝙖 𝙤𝙦𝙤 𝙣𝙖 𝙍𝙖𝙧𝙖𝙢𝙖 𝙙𝙞𝙣𝙖, 𝙨𝙖 𝙡𝙖𝙠𝙤 𝙢𝙖𝙞 𝙠𝙞 𝙫𝙪𝙧𝙖𝙫𝙪𝙧𝙖, 𝙠𝙖 𝙫𝙖𝙠𝙖𝙧𝙖𝙧𝙖𝙢𝙖𝙩𝙖𝙠𝙞 𝙞𝙧𝙖 𝙣𝙖 𝙩𝙖𝙢𝙖𝙩𝙖 𝙠𝙚𝙘𝙚𝙜𝙖.”

E a vakacaberi na Rarama i Karisito e Viti mai Tubou, Lakeba, Lau e na i ka 12 ni Okotova 1835. E dina beka ga ni ra a sa lotu rawa tiko na noda qase e na veiburekalou ka ra raica na Kalou tawa raici e na dela ni qele, maliwa lala se loma ni wasawasa, na Rarama ni tukutuku baleti Karisito sa qai cila ki na lomadra na turaga na Tui Nayau, ko Roko Taliai Tupou e na yabaki oqori, 12 ni Okotova 1835. Oqori beka na rarama ka vakatoka ko Jone Wesele na, Prevenient Grace, se na Loloma Taumada. Oqo na i matai ni Rarama e dau botea mai noda bula na tamata ni solegi keda tu na butobuto.

Na tikinisiga, 12 ni vula ko Okotova 1835 e tikinisiga talega ni kena sa tavoci talega e Tubou na vakadewataki ni i sulu ni lotu ni nodra vakalotutaki na kawatamata era a kilai tu e na cakacaka butobuto kei na kana lovo tamata (cannibalism) e na nodra peni ni volavola na Vavalagi. Me vaka na tiki ni Vola Tabu e cake, Joni 1:9 “Sa i koya ga oqo na Rarama dina, sa lako mai ki vuravura, ka vakararamataki ira na tamata kecega.”

E a vuqa sara na veisoqosoqo ni Kaulotu se ‘Society’ era sa tiko. voli mai Peritania e na gauna ko ya. Oqo e okati kina na London Missionary Society (LMS) ka tauyavutaki e na 1795, na Church Missionary Society (CMS), ka tauyavu e na 1799. Ia, sa qai vakayagataka ga na Kalou na i soqosoqo ni daukaulotu ka vakatokai na Wesleyan Methodist Missionary Society (WMMS) me kauta mai na Rarama baleti Karisito e na tiki ni siga eda mai vakananuma e daidai, 12 ni Okotova, 1835.

Oi rau na i sevu ni daukaulotu mai Peritania ka rau cabetaka mai na i matai ni rarama lailai se ‘twilight’ ki Viti ko David Cargill kei William Cross, e rua na cauravou ni Sikoteladi, ka vakayagataki rau mai na Kalou e na i sevu ni lakolako mai ni kaulotu ki Viti. O Kakili e se qai yabaki 22 e na gauna e a solia kina nona bula ki na kaulotu mai ki Viti, ka rau a salavata mai kei na marama watina ko Makereta Kakili. E a sa vakawati oti talega ko Korosi ka qase vakalailai tiko vei rau. Ia, ni qai lako tu mai oqo ko Kakili, e a sa rawata oti mai vakavinaka na nona vuli e na koroi ni Master of Arts in Language. E kilai ko Kakili e na nona rawa ni vosataka ka volana veivosa lelevu me vaka na vosa vaka-Iperiu, Kirisi, Latini ka sa bau wili talega kina na vosa vaka-Viti. Sa I koya talega oqo na turaga ka mai vakamanoataka na vosa taumada vaka-Viti se na alpha et. Cargill was known to have tamed the Fijian alphabet.

Erau a tiko vakalekaleka mai Toga Matanisiga na lewe rua oqo ni bera nodrau tadu mai ki Tubou. Eke, e laurai votu kina na cakacaka vuni tiko ni Kalou kei na nona veivakayarayarataki na Yalo Tabu e na vakarautaki ni nodrau bula vakayalo, vakayago talega. E kea talega, erau a sota kina kei Josua Mateinaniu e dua na cauravou ni Fulaga, Lau ka sa soli bula oti talega mai Toga Matanisiga e na kena sovaraki kina na Yalo Tabu e na koro ko ‘Utui e na yanuyanu ko Vava’u e na 1834.

E a kau walega ko Mateinaniu ki Toga me laki vuli meke, ia, e a qai vakayagataka na Kalou na i lakolako ko ya me vakadewataki rawa talega mai kina ki Viti na Rarama levu ni Kalou sa vukica vakatoboicu na vanua ko Toga. E na veivuke nei Josua Mateinaniu, sa vola oti tiko mai kina mai Toga ko Kakili na i matai ni dictionary vaka-Viti, ka vakatokai “A Vosa Vakaviji I Manda”.

E sega walega ni rau vulica mai Toga na vosa vaka-Viti; erau sa vulica rawa talega na kena i tovo, na veivakaturagatataki, kei na veivakaliuci. Mai Toga talega, erau sa kila oti mai kina ni kevaka e gadrevi me na ciqomi na Kosipeli i Karisito e Viti, ia, me na liu taumada na nona vakalotutaki na turaga levu mai Bau, ko Ratu Tanoa Visawaqa. Ia, me kena gaunisala ga ko Tubou.

Kena i balebale, ni a yaco mai na Kosipeli ki Viti e na kena muri mai na sala ni dra vakaveiwekani sa davo oti koto e na kedrau maliwa ko Toga kei Lakeba (Lau). E a biu mai ko Toga Matanisiga e na i ka 10 ni Okotova 1835, ka sa mua mai na i lakolako ki Viti, ka mai sobu na i lakolako e Tagiapusi, na nodra matasawa na turaga bale na Tui Nayau e na siga Moniti, na i ka 12 ni Okotova, 1835.

Edaidai, Siga Tabu, 12 ni Okotova, 2025, eda sa mai vakananuma kina na i ka 190 ni yabaki ni kena cabe na Rarama i Karisito e na matasawa mai Tubou.

Me vakalougatataki Viti tiko na Kalou.

PC: Good Words 1860 | What Has Been Done in the Fiji Islands

12/10/2025

𝐓𝐇𝐄 𝐒𝐀𝐁𝐄𝐓𝐎 𝐕𝐀𝐍𝐔𝐀

I spent much time, especially in the 1990s, first with Ratu Kaliova, the Momo of Sabeto and other members of the Conua yavusa; secondly, with Timoci Saukuru, the grand old man of the Leweiwavuwavu; thirdly, with Paula, a former policeman representing the iTaukei Nasara whom I was only able to farewell as he lay on his deathbed; and fourthly, with Apisai (Mohammed) Tora and representatives of the Waruta. What I record here is what they told me while I compared their personal knowledge with the accounts recorded by the 1914 NLC, which I would read to them. They all agreed on the myths of origin, though sometimes differing on details which did not alter significantly the main picture.

𝙈𝙮𝙩𝙝𝙨 𝙤𝙛 𝙤𝙧𝙞𝙜𝙞𝙣: 𝙑𝙪𝙣𝙞𝙦𝙚𝙡𝙚 𝙖𝙣𝙙 𝙍𝙖𝙞𝙦𝙚𝙡𝙤

Among those who landed in the first canoe at NeiSosovu and went on to settle with Degei at Edronu were Vuniqele and his younger brother, Raiqelo (recorded as Nauci by the NLC). Raiqelo's yavu or housemound was called Yavukoso.

The two brothers later went to Betoraurau, beside the Waruta stream in the Sabeto Valley. It was there that Raiqelo went and stole Degei's dalo at Edronu—an incident which resulted in Degei leaving in anger for the Nakauvadra (see above).

𝘽𝙚𝙩𝙤𝙧𝙖𝙪𝙧𝙖𝙪 is now the ceremonial name for Sabeto land, though the actual settlement was pointed out to me to be on the slopes of the Tualeita. Its name means 'leafy or shaded spirit house', referring to the first spirit house on the tree-covered slopes.𝘐𝘵 𝘪𝘴 𝘪𝘯𝘵𝘦𝘳𝘦𝘴𝘵𝘪𝘯𝘨 𝘵𝘩𝘢𝘵 𝘪𝘯 1840 𝘵𝘩𝘦 𝘜𝘯𝘪𝘵𝘦𝘥 𝘚𝘵𝘢𝘵𝘦𝘴 𝘌𝘹𝘱𝘭𝘰𝘳𝘪𝘯𝘨 𝘌𝘹𝘱𝘦𝘥𝘪𝘵𝘪𝘰𝘯 𝘶𝘯𝘥𝘦𝘳 𝘞𝘪𝘭𝘬𝘦𝘴 (1845: 261) '𝘢𝘯𝘤𝘩𝘰𝘳𝘦𝘥 𝘶𝘯𝘥𝘦𝘳 𝘝𝘪𝘵𝘪𝘭𝘦𝘷𝘶 𝘴𝘩𝘰𝘳𝘦, 𝘰𝘧𝘧 𝘵𝘩𝘦 𝘱𝘰𝘪𝘯𝘵 𝘤𝘢𝘭𝘭𝘦𝘥 𝘝𝘪𝘵𝘪-𝘳𝘢𝘶-𝘳𝘢𝘶, 𝘸𝘩𝘦𝘳𝘦 𝘸𝘦 𝘭𝘢𝘺 𝘶𝘯𝘵𝘪𝘭 2 𝘈.𝘔.' 𝘣𝘦𝘧𝘰𝘳𝘦 𝘱𝘳𝘰𝘤𝘦𝘦𝘥𝘪𝘯𝘨 𝘵𝘰 𝘵𝘩𝘦 𝘪𝘴𝘭𝘢𝘯𝘥 𝘰𝘧 𝘔𝘢𝘭𝘰𝘭𝘰. 𝘛𝘩𝘪𝘴 𝘱𝘭𝘢𝘤𝘦 𝘯𝘢𝘮𝘦 𝘪𝘴 𝘴𝘶𝘳𝘦𝘭𝘺 𝘵𝘩𝘦 𝘴𝘢𝘮𝘦 𝘢𝘴 𝘉𝘦𝘵𝘰𝘳𝘢𝘶𝘳𝘢𝘶, 𝘢𝘯𝘥 𝘦𝘪𝘵𝘩𝘦𝘳 𝘵𝘩𝘦 𝘭𝘢𝘵𝘵𝘦𝘳 𝘵𝘦𝘳𝘮 𝘩𝘢𝘴 𝘣𝘦𝘦𝘯 𝘤𝘩𝘢𝘯𝘨𝘦𝘥 𝘧𝘳𝘰𝘮 𝘝𝘪𝘵𝘪𝘳𝘢𝘶𝘳𝘢𝘶 (𝘮𝘦𝘢𝘯𝘪𝘯𝘨 '𝘣𝘳𝘦𝘢𝘬𝘪𝘯𝘨 𝘰𝘧𝘧 𝘣𝘳𝘢𝘯𝘤𝘩𝘦𝘴') 𝘰𝘷𝘦𝘳 𝘵𝘩𝘦 𝘤𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘶𝘳𝘺 𝘢𝘯𝘥 𝘢 𝘩𝘢𝘭𝘧, 𝘰𝘳, 𝘢𝘴 𝘪𝘴 𝘮𝘰𝘳𝘦 𝘭𝘪𝘬𝘦𝘭𝘺, 𝘞𝘪𝘭𝘬𝘦𝘴 𝘮𝘪𝘴𝘩𝘦𝘢𝘳𝘥 𝘪𝘵 𝘰𝘳 𝘮𝘪𝘴𝘸𝘳𝘰𝘵𝘦 𝘪𝘵. Those who have been concerned with the origins of the meaning of the name of Fiji (Tongan for Viti) which in Standard Fijian could mean 'breaking off' may well have picked on this reference in Wilkes' narrative, and elaborated the myth of Degei and his party going along the Tualeita to Nakauvadra, claiming that they broke off branches as they journeyed along. This could well be a suitable ex post facto explanation. Be that as it may, the myth continues.

𝙁𝙞𝙧𝙨𝙩 𝙎𝙚𝙩𝙩𝙡𝙚𝙢𝙚𝙣𝙩𝙨:

𝘿𝙚𝙨𝙘𝙚𝙣𝙙𝙖𝙣𝙩𝙨 𝙤𝙛 𝙑𝙪𝙣𝙞𝙦𝙚𝙡𝙚, 𝙩𝙝𝙚 𝙀𝙡𝙙𝙚𝙧 𝘽𝙧𝙤𝙩𝙝𝙚𝙧

Vuniqele, at Betoraurau, married a woman of Vitogo, and they had two sons, Varorairiba and Varonaqai. The descendants of the elder were the Leweiwavuwavu, and those of the younger were the Nasara. These two brothers went and settled at the mouth of the Sabeto river at Navakalolo where they were until the flood (see below). The descendants of Varorairiba, the elder brother, remained at Navakalolo, but those of the younger brother later went to Drakoro, where they settled until the flood.

Some time later, at the time of the Nadi war known as the Volo Levu (see under Nadi), the Naua people (of Vagadra, now at Saunaka) were attacked and some scattered to Drakoro where they were given planting land (vakovu) by the descendants of Varonaqai, the younger brother.

𝙇𝙚𝙖𝙙𝙚𝙧𝙨𝙝𝙞𝙥. 𝘿𝙚𝙨𝙘𝙚𝙣𝙙𝙖𝙣𝙩𝙨 𝙤𝙛 𝙑𝙪𝙣𝙞𝙦𝙚𝙡𝙚

At Navakalolo, the third son of Varorairiba, elder son of Vuniqele, was made their leader by the descendants of both sons of Vuniqele, and was installed on a specially made mound of earth, and given yaqona to drink.

𝐃𝐞𝐬𝐜𝐞𝐧𝐝𝐚𝐧𝐭𝐬 𝐨𝐟 𝐑𝐚𝐢𝐪𝐞𝐥𝐨, 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐘𝐨𝐮𝐧𝐠𝐞𝐫 𝐁𝐫𝐨𝐭𝐡𝐞𝐫

Raiqelo, younger brother of Vuniqele, married a woman of the Cawanisa (descendants of Sadidi, who came on the Kaunitoni to Vuda and settled first at Lomolomo before going to Naqoqa). Their descendants were the Waruta, also known as the Tacini (younger brothers, because of their progenitor). They had two sons, the elder going to Waruta nearby, and the younger remaining at Betoraurau.
Later both groups joined up at Raracici in the mangroves, where most of them were until the flood. Some split off, either because of drought or from an angry quarrel over a woman; and they went to Qaru. From here, they went to Dramata were they were until the flood.

𝐓𝐡𝐞 𝐂𝐨𝐧𝐮𝐚. 𝐎𝐫𝐢𝐠𝐢𝐧 𝐌𝐲𝐭𝐡 𝐚𝐧𝐝 𝐀𝐫𝐫𝐢𝐯𝐚𝐥 𝐚𝐭 𝐒𝐚𝐛𝐞𝐭𝐨

Ravuravu came from the Nakauvadra to Yauyau, Ba. He had two sons, and one day these two went to work in the gardens. When they returned, the elder, Tawake, ate all the oco or food provided for them both, and the younger, Nagilolevu, was very angry. Tawake was ashamed, and kept moving away from Ba until he could see it no more. Then he settled in the hills at Conua at the top of the Sabeto valley, where he married Lauvatu, one of the descendants of Varonaqai (the younger son of Vuniqele), who were living at Drakoro. They had a son, Ratu, who as vasu to the Leweiwavuwavu and the Nasara, was sometimes looked after by them.

The Yavusa Balavu, being those two yavusa and the Waruta, were so impressed with their vasu, Ratu, that they lakovi or ceremonially invited him to come and live with them. He and his followers were settled at Luvuni near where the descendants of Varonaqai lived. Ratu's descendants were known as the Conua, bringing the name from their settlement in the hills.

𝐈𝐧𝐬𝐭𝐚𝐥𝐥𝐚𝐭𝐢𝐨𝐧 𝐨𝐟 𝐅𝐢𝐫𝐬𝐭 𝐌𝐨𝐦𝐨 𝐋𝐞𝐯𝐮

The Yavusa Balavu invited the people of the uplands, the Ne, to come and participate in the installation of Ratu as the paramount chief, with the title of Momo Levu, of the Sabeto socio-political federation or vanua of the four yavusa, Leweiwavuwavu, Nasara, Waruta and Conua. Two round stones were brought from Drakoro where Ratu's mother lived. One was used for Ratu to sit on (the vatu ni vibuli) and one was the vatu ni vitataunaki which, when given to Ratu to hold, symbolised the handing over to him of the control of the land and of the people of Sabeto. These stones appeared to have gone missing, but I eventually found them secreted behind a curtain in the chiefly house on Erenavula yavu; at least they were said by Ratu Kaliova, the present Momo Levu, to be the same as the original ones. Credant qui velint.

Ratu had three sons, and the two elder agreed that Leiluvuni, the youngest, should be installed as paramount chief. So it came about that the group of the descendants of the youngest son, known as the Luvuni, became the leading group and obtained and retained the position of Momo Levu of the Sabeto polity. The Conua were at Luvuni until the flood.

𝐓𝐡𝐞 𝐆𝐫𝐞𝐚𝐭 𝐅𝐥𝐨𝐨𝐝 𝐚𝐧𝐝 𝐚𝐥𝐥 𝐌𝐨𝐯𝐞 𝐭𝐨 𝐒𝐚𝐛𝐞𝐭𝐨

A great flood destroyed the villages of Navakalolo, Drakoro, Raracici, Dramata and Luvuni; and most of the people went to a new village site at Sabeto (closer to the Sabeto River than the present village. Some Conua people went to relations in Vaturu and in Vagadra (the Naua); and the Nabau group of the Conua went to Koronisau.
..

Degei's Descendants: Spirits, Place and People in Pre-cession Fiji
Book by Aubrey L. Parke

12/10/2025

𝗡𝗔𝗜 𝗩𝗔𝗟𝗨 𝗘 𝗧𝗢𝗟𝗨 - 𝗩𝗔𝗟𝗨 𝗡𝗜 𝗧𝗢𝗟𝗔, 𝗡𝗔 𝗖𝗘𝗕𝗢𝗪𝗔𝗟𝗨, 𝗡𝗔 𝗩𝗢𝗟𝗢𝗟𝗘𝗩𝗨

The Conua were involved in three remembered local wars with which the neighbouring polity of Nadi (to the south of Sabeto) were concerned. These were known as the Cebuwalu (eight anuses), the Volo Levu and the Tola (the mana or mangrove lobster). In the Tola, the then-leaders of Nadi, the Navatulevu, were driven away from Nadi as being too arrogant. They sought refuge with the Sabeto people, sending messages to the Nadroga people with requests for assistance.

𝗧𝗨𝗕𝗔 𝗡𝗔 𝗜𝗩𝗔𝗟𝗨 𝗢 𝗡𝗔𝗩𝗔𝗧𝗨𝗟𝗘𝗩𝗨 - 𝗡𝗢 𝗜 𝗦𝗔𝗕𝗘𝗧𝗢 𝗢 𝗥𝗢𝗞𝗢𝗠𝗔𝗧𝗨

The Navatulevu were settled at Lomolomo under the protection of Mataitoga, the Sabeto war chief, while the Navatulevu chief, Rokomatu, stayed with Mataitoga at Sabeto. Mataitoga was at that stage under the authority of Nasolo, the spiritual chief of Sabeto. He and Rokomatu plotted and Rokomatu's warrior companions, the Bolaciri, chased Naloto away to the Colo (the mountainous interior) and burned his village.

𝗧𝗨𝗕𝗔 𝗢 𝗡𝗔𝗟𝗢𝗧𝗢 𝗤𝗔 𝗩𝗔𝗟𝗜𝗨𝗖𝗜 𝗢 𝗠𝗔𝗧𝗔𝗜𝗧𝗢𝗚𝗔

Rokomatu, as a chief of the powerful Navatulevu neighbours, then regularised Mataitoga's position as leader in place of the absent Naloto, and installed him as spiritual paramount chief of the Sabeto, before returning to Nadi. Mataitoga was the first to have the spiritual and secular power as well as the ambition and competence to forge the Sabeto groups into a locally strong and stable socio-political complex.

𝗩𝗜𝗩𝗔𝗦𝗢𝗠 𝗩𝗢 𝗠𝗔𝗧𝗔𝗜𝗧𝗢𝗚𝗔

At his installation, the Leweiwavuwavu/ Nasara, as the original inhabitants of the valley, carried out the installation ceremonies, preparing the yaqona and offering it to him to drink. A house for the purpose had been built by the upland Ne groups, using timber supplied by the Waruta.

𝗡𝗔𝗧𝗨𝗞𝗨𝗟𝗔 - 𝗟𝗘𝗪𝗔 𝗡𝗜 𝗦𝗔𝗕𝗨𝗧𝗢𝗬𝗔𝗧𝗢𝗬𝗔, 𝗘𝗟𝗨𝗩𝗨𝗞𝗔, 𝗢𝗶

Mataitoga further established his position through judicious marriage with his powerful neighbours at Vuda. He married first a woman of Tububere and secondly Natukula, a woman of rank from the Sabutoyatoya. The Oi group from the Eluvuka mataqali of the Sabutoyatoya came to look after Natukula, their relation. They were given land for planting by the Waruta and came under their protection until they were later included among the Luvuni mataqali of the Conua.

𝗩𝗜𝗩𝗨𝗞𝗘 𝗢 𝗡𝗔𝗗𝗥𝗢𝗚𝗔, 𝗤𝗔 𝗩𝗔𝗦𝗨𝗞𝗔𝗜 𝗢 𝗥𝗢𝗞𝗢𝗠𝗔𝗧𝗨 𝗜 𝗡𝗔𝗗𝗜

After the Nadroga army had driven away the upstart Yakuilau from Nadi, and successfully prepared for the return of the Navatulevu to a position of paramountcy in Nadi, Rokomatu returned to Nadi, with most of the Navatulevu. Meanwhile some of the Yakuilau had taken advantage of their relationships in Sabeto, and had settled for a while with the Conua until peace returned to Nadi and most of them were later brought back.

This is discussed further under the Nadi account, but it is interesting to see how relationships had developed and were built up between these coastal polities to the extent that they could seek refuge with each other, and request and give military aid from and to each other when the occasion demanded or when they saw it to their advantage. Such mutual assistance was perhaps ephemeral, but it could give rise to a situation of considerable obligation on the part of the assisted, especially if the assisted polity failed to thank the assisting polity to the extent that was expected.

𝗩𝗔𝗖𝗘𝗖𝗘 𝗡𝗔 𝗥𝗔𝗥𝗔 𝗜 𝗩𝗜𝗧𝗢𝗚𝗢

Mataitoga's power was such that he was in a position to unite the Leweiwavuwavu/Nasara, the Waruta and some Ne and (because of his marital relationships) to invite some Vuda people to go and attack and burn Vitogo. This was in order to avenge an insult occasioned when his son, Yalobo, had asked the Vitogo people for a chiefly necklace of sovui shells and his request had been refused. In due course, Mataitoga showed his power and chiefly behaviour further, when not only did he arrange for the houses in Vitogo to be rebuilt and for the people to be brought back, but also at the time when he had accepted Christianity, he made a presentation of a malo or chiefly loincloth to buluta na dra or bury the blood as reparations for the burning of Vitogo.

𝗟𝗔𝗜 𝗥𝗔𝗩𝗨 𝗠𝗔𝗧𝗘 𝗢 𝗬𝗔𝗟𝗢𝗕𝗢

It must have been soon after this that Yalobo plotted against his father. When Mataitoga learnt of the plot, Yalobo fled to the Vuda people and was given refuge at Mereke. He was betrayed by the Sabutoyatoya people and taken to Naqoqa where he was killed (see the Vuda account of the killing and its aftermath of Mataitoga's grief). Mataitoga must have been a very arrogant, even if successful, leader because he was subjected to a series of plots apart from Yalobo's plot.

𝗟𝗔𝗜 𝗥𝗔𝗩𝗨 𝗠𝗔𝗧𝗘 𝗢 𝗧𝗔𝗨𝗞𝗘𝗜 𝗧𝗔𝗟𝗔𝗗𝗥𝗔𝗨

The chief of the Taladrau (a sub-group of the Luvuni mataqali of the Conua yavusa) stood up to Mataitoga who ordered his death. He was killed and the Taladrau people fled to Dramata where they established a village of their own.

𝗟𝗔𝗜 𝗥𝗔𝗩𝗨 𝗠𝗔𝗧𝗔 𝗢 𝗧𝗔𝗨𝗞𝗘𝗜 𝗡𝗔𝗗𝗨𝗥𝗨𝗩𝗔𝗧𝗨, 𝗕𝗨𝗟𝗜 𝗡𝗔 𝗥𝗔𝗥𝗔 𝗜 𝗦𝗔𝗨 (𝗞𝗢𝗥𝗢𝗜𝗦𝗔𝗨)

Another plot was devised by a chief of the Naduruvatu group of the Conua in order to reduce (tabaka sobu) his power. Mataitoga again ordered his death and he fled but was killed. The Nadurumata fled to Koronisau where they established a village.

𝗦𝗢𝗥𝗢 𝗢 𝗪𝗔𝗥𝗨𝗧𝗔 𝗟𝗘𝗗𝗥𝗔 𝗟𝗢𝗟𝗢𝗠𝗔 𝗡𝗔 𝗧𝗔𝗨𝗞𝗘𝗜 𝗢𝗜

On another occasion, the Waruta planned to kill Mataitoga, in order to become leaders of the Sabeto polity. The Waruta were regarded as especially dangerous people, specialising in caka sausau/mana, or sorcery, and the practices of the luveniwai cult, concerned with the little people of the sea. When Mataitoga went to visit the Waruta, he went with a chief of the Oi who had come from Vuda with his second wife, Natukula, and had been looked after by the Waruta. The Waruta hid by the roadside in order to club Mataitoga. When they came to club him, his sau/mana was so strong that the clubs simply struck without doing any damage. The Oi chief, out of gratitude for the Waruta's protection of his people, sought to save the Waruta from revenge, and because Mataitoga was related to the Oi through his wife, he could not refuse this request.
There seems to have been perpetual rivalry between the Waruta, perhaps regarding themselves as spiritually powerful local inhabitants and guardians of Betoraurau (aided by the spiritual guardian of Sabeto, Bituwewe, with whom they were in close association), and the Conua whom the Waruta perhaps regarded as arrogant strangers.

𝗩𝗜𝗧𝗨𝗕𝗔𝗧𝗔𝗞𝗜 𝗢 𝗔𝗗𝗜 𝗪𝗔𝗤𝗔 - 𝗥𝗔𝗟𝗨𝗩𝗘 𝗞𝗘𝗜 𝗕𝗘𝗧𝗢𝗥𝗔𝗨𝗥𝗔𝗨

Be that as it may, another incident between the Waruta and the Conua took place when the Waruta who were living next to the Momo Levu of Sabeto, stole his daughter, Adi Waqa. They were told to go away. They moved to the Leweiwavuwavu/Nasara, but the Momo could still see them. So they moved to Koroisue, to Nasara lands where the Natova sector office of the Sugar Company is now situated. The Momo could still hear their voices, so they moved on to Natalau where they are at present. I was told that this took place before the arrival in Sabeto of the Cakobau army in 1873.

𝗠𝗔𝗡𝗔 𝗤𝗔𝗧𝗘 𝗦𝗔𝗨 𝗶 𝗘𝗗𝗥𝗢𝗡𝗨

I was very aware of this feeling of near-hostility between the two yavusa, when I was there in the 1990s, and found that Natalau was a village with a mysterious atmosphere of its own. This atmosphere was manifested by the very neat appearance of the village and its cemetery (perhaps due to the great influence of Apisai Tora who was then traditional head of the Waruta). There was notably a great quietness that prevailed especially near the house of Tora and the traditional beto or spirit house which was used for special meetings and into which I was eventually permitted to enter. Speaking in it except at a whisper is not allowed. It stood on a yavu, at the corner of which was a monolith brought from original settlement of the Waruta at Yavukoso, as a memorial imbued with mana from the original ancestral spirits. The Waruta are a much-feared group even now, closely associated with the spirit centre at Edronu. I do not think this is due to Tora himself, but it appears likely that Tora has assumed the mantle of the magical powers of the Waruta in order to foster his own ambitions in politics.
..

Degei's Descendants: Spirits, Place and People in Pre-cession Fiji
Book by Aubrey L. Parke

Tuwawa Publishing House

11/11/2025

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