Our Diversity

27/08/2026

⭕ *SOME FACTS ABOUT The ADVENTURES Of POISON DEALERS IN THE LURI AREA!!*

THE LURI THEATER OF DISGRACE: On August 24th, the collapsing clique in Juba unleashed its latest desperate theater production in the Luri area, west of Juba. The notorious deserter — a disgraced double agent, habitual deserter, and National Security Service (NSS) mercenary Hillary Edison Yakani—who fled to Juba almost three months ago with only four of his bodyguards, stood before state cameras to play the role of the unquestionable traitor.

That day, a group of deluded young men stood beside him as extras, so that through them, the double agent Hillary Yakani could broadcast his blatant lie—claiming that he and 300 fighters from the National Salvation Front ( NAS) have effectively joined SSPDF militias of the repressive regime in Juba. This cunning propaganda attempt must be exposed because our people deserve the full truth about the identity of this gang of poison merchants, their objectives, their supposed purpose, and what they stand for.

In the context of this claim, it is necessary to reveal the facts behind this cheap and laughable propaganda and, more importantly, to inform our people about who this gang of highly desperate and disgruntled people and their blood-merchant sponsors are, what their true motives are and how they plan to achieve them, and who is directing them and for whose benefit they are carrying out this dirty and well-paid agenda.

To begin with, let us first expose the so-called Hillary Yakani. This desperate and emotionally unstable fellow is just a straight conman and an opportunist. Moreover, it is worth noting that he is indeed a National Security double agent who previously joined the oppressive regime after a failed mission assigned to him by the National Security Service. That mission ended with him and others being implicated under the 2017 Yei Peace Agreement, resulting in the defection of some SPLM-IO officers and soldiers and their subsequent move into the arms of the National Security Service. That failed "Yei Internal bogus Peace deal" was orchestrated by Dr. Martin E. Lomuro and championed by the discredited prosperity Gospel clergy, Bishop Elias Taban.

Based on this plan, the National Security Service (NSS) assigned its agent, Hillary Yakani, to a new mission in the refugee camps in Uganda, claiming that his life was in danger within the country. There, he began carrying out the NSS’s sinister plan to recruit young people under the banner of the National Salvation Front (NAS). However, when the NSS authorities learned that their plot and treacherous activities in the refugee camps had been uncovered by the NAS intelligence system, they abruptly ended the mission three months ago and instructed their double agent Yakani and his men to declare publicly their defection to the SSPDF and report immediately to Juba.

Thus, the comical drama of nearly 300 NAS officers and men defecting to the SSPDF militia in broad daylight in the outskirts and shrubs of Mount Luri by Hillary and his NSS Godfather David Komuri was all along expected to occur at any time, especially given the current harsh and biting economic situation in the country, marking the beginning of a new chapter in this scheme to target NAS.

It is imperative to note that this whole counter-insurgency plan had been commissioned months earlier by the National Security Service in collaboration with SSPDF Military Intelligence and the office of CES Governor Adil. We were fully aware and have been closely monitoring their activities. We have been reliably informed and have confirmed from sources within NSS corridors in Juba that the young, well-dressed, and clean-shaved young men who were disgracefully displayed as being NAS defectors in the Mount Luri area were actually mobilized from the Gudele, Gurei, and Jopa residential areas. Others were brought from Kajo-Keji and the associated refugee camps in Uganda. Many of them are well known to the neighborhood and city residents. That is why the cameraman deliberately tried to avoid focusing and zooming closely on their faces to prevent them from being identified and revealed by their relatives and friends!

The ultimate goal of this sinister counter-insurgency strategy by NSS/MI is once again to establish a tribal and murderous militia group in CES that will commit heinous atrocities, crimes, and human rights abuses as part of their proxy war against NAS. This is the same destructive strategy Kiir's regime has been employing for years against our innocent civilians in the Greater Upper Nile Region.

Nonetheless, there is also another important and treacherous side to this sad story that we want to reveal to the suffering people of South Sudan today! This NSS double agent, the so-called Hillary Yakani, hails from a disreputable and contemptible family whose daily activities are explicitly and intrinsically linked to the destructive and murderous activities of the notorious NSS agency against the aspirations and hopes of our ever-suffering and greatly oppressed people, especially in the Greater Equatoria region.

Other members of Hillary Yakani's family who have equally sold their souls to Lucifer, blindly pursuing their personal selfish interests at all costs and profiting from the suffering of their own people, include the self-proclaimed “peace broker,” the charlatan Bishop and NSS Brigadier General Elias Taban Barangi (disguised as a preacher), and the National Security Service operative Edmond Yakani (who has been hoodwinking the public and pompously posing as a civil society activist), along with other unscrupulous individuals. Thus, that fatal and abhorrent gene of betrayal flows in their blood like an everlasting fountain!

The desperation and recklessness of this so-called Hillary Yakani is absolutely baffling! He at one time claimed to be a member of SPLA-IO, then NAS, and now is joining the SSPDF militia, all in hopeless attempts to achieve his myopic and self-serving objectives. As the famous African proverb goes: a traitor leopard remains a visible one, no matter how hard it tries to change its skin color and spots.

At this juncture, we want to reassure our people and NAS supporters in South Sudan and elsewhere not to despair or get concerned or troubled by such repeated negative propaganda from this tyrannical and increasingly isolated regime that will do anything and everything to continue sitting on the necks of our suffering people. The big question is: where are they now, or what is the impact of these recurrent, treacherous proclamations by previous desperate and disgruntled NAS officers and men, such as Gen. Warri Legge, Gen. Emmanuel Salah, and others? Unfortunately, we have credible reports that some of these officers have been pushed into great destitution, loitering aimlessly along the streets of Juba, at Konyokonyo market kiosks, and at goods porters' (Gumaye) corners searching for any meager sources of survival! This is the gloomy fate that awaits the double agent Hillary Yakani.

As for the double agent and broker, the self-styled National Security Service spokesman David John Kumuri, he is working round the clock leading these ominous activities against our struggle to prove his loyalty to his NSS masters. In doing so, he is maximally exploiting the agency's ignorance and lack of scrutiny for his own well-planned, selfish economic gain. He has been delegated as the Kiir regime's point man in CES to proactively demobilize, dismantle, and silence any formidable opposition group or activities in the State.

This is the same self-destructive role assigned to traitors by our former Jalaba/NCP oppressors to notorious MI officers like the infamous Ti-Jambe, Natale and James Wani who were operating freely in Juba during the height of defunct Sudanese President Bashir's rule. All these traitors later faced both God's inevitable wrath and the curse of innocent people's blood, dying miserably while their children and families still shoulder and live with these marks of disgrace everywhere they go to this date.

Thus, we have been closely monitoring NSS double agent David Kumuri's brutal and dreadful activities against our innocent people in the neighborhoods where he resides in Juba and the surrounding areas. He has been given a free hand with broad security powers to terrorize citizens and confiscate property illegally.

We have also been reliably informed that he has organized a small group of NSS operatives in Juba who are deeply involved in massive land-grabbing activities in the Gudele, Gurei, Jopa, and Nyamini villages. But the NSS authorities will be greatly astonished, shocked and perturbed to the core when they come to know that the same double agent, David John Kumuri—who pretends to work tirelessly and diligently to prove his loyalty to Kiir's oppressive regime through these criminal and murky activities—is also the very same person who is constantly and consistently leaking highly confidential and classified top-security and strategic information from the National Security Service, MI, and J1 to opposition groups, his former NSS boss, Gen. Akol Kur, diplomatic missions, and NGOs!

All this covert double-agent work is done in the dark behind closed doors in return for hefty rewards amounting to thousands of USD. For instance, the latest, most daring, and damning leak from David Kumuri occurred recently when he confirmed that both Ms. Adut Salva Kiir and General Napoleon Adwok were the key people responsible for planning and executing the massive fire that completely burned down and destroyed the National Security Service headquarters (Blue House) after stealing two million dollars and approximately ten billion South Sudanese pounds from the agency’s funds.

He asserted that, just the day before the fire incident, General Napoleon Adwok managed to remove all important and confidential documents as well as computers from the office. But to cover up and adequately conceal the arson scheme, David Kumuri enthusiastically revealed that Gen. Napoleon left and scattered some USD and pound notes on the floor as pseudo-evidence that all those huge public funds stored at the Blue House were burned and incinerated!

To substantiate our damning revelations of Mr. David Kumuri's double-agent underworld activities, we challenge the NSS authorities to thoroughly and urgently investigate how Mr. Komori accumulated massive wealth and acquired expansive, highly costly properties in Juba, Kampala, and Arua running into millions of USD in such a very short period!

Finally, l would like to assure our people that the National Salvation Front, in its struggle aimed at restoring the freedom and dignity of our people, is committed to its Vision, Mission, Objectives and Principles and will not be distracted by allegations or political negative propaganda, whether today, tomorrow, or in the future. Therefore, we stand united, determined to continue the struggle under the leadership of General Thomas Cirillo Swaka until we achieve the aspirations of our people.

At such moments, it’s essential make it clear to everyone that the oppressive regime which is rapidly crumbling under the weight of its failures will continue to resort to such cheap propaganda and tribalism to sow the seeds of discord and mistrust among us. Therefore, we urge our people not to be swayed by this propaganda, and to work diligently to reject it, that poison being promoted by those who profit from it throughout our beloved homeland.

For your sake and with you, we will defeat our common enemy, represented by Salva Kiir’s oppressive regime.

27/08/2026

⭕ *بعض الحقائق عن مغامرات تجار السم في منطقة لوري!!*

*مسرحية لوري المخزية* : في الرابع والعشرين من أغسطس، أطلقت الزمرة المنهارة في جوبا أحدث مسرحياتها اليائسة في منطقة لوري، غرب جوبا. وقف هيلاري إديسون ياكاني - العميل المزدوج الهارب، والمنشق المتكرر، والمرتزق في جهاز الأمن الوطني - أمام كاميرات الدولة ليؤدي دور الخائن بلا منازع.
في ذلك اليوم، وقفت مجموعة من الشبان المخدوعين بجانبه كـ(كومبارس)، حتى يتمكن العميل ياكاني من الإعلان عبرهم عن كذبته الفاضحة، مدعياً أنه وثلاثمائة مقاتل من جبهة الخلاص الوطني قد انضموا إلى ميليشيات النظام القمعي.
يجب فضح هذه المحاولة الدعائية الرخيصة لأن شعبنا يستحق الحقيقة كاملة عن هوية عصابة تجار السم هذه؟ أهدافهم، من يُحرّكهم، ومن أجل ماذا؟؟. وعلى هذا الأساس، دعونا نبدأ:

⭕ *من هم الشباب الذين قاموا بدور الكومبارس في مسرحية جهاز الأمن الوطني هذا؟*
قبل الإجابة المباشر لهذا السؤال، من الضروري توضيحيه هنا أن بعض عصابات الإجرامية في جنوب السودان، هي من صنع هذا الجهاز الذي تحت أمرته، عصابة المعروف بـ( *Unknown gunman* )، عصابة النهب بلا حدود المتورطة في أعمال الاستيلاء على الأراضي، وغيرها من المجموعات الإجرامية.
إن الشباب المخدوعين هم ضحايا الوضع الاقتصادي المتردي في البلاد. لأكثر من شهرين، كان يعد فيهم جهاز الأمن الوطني لهذه المسرحية الهزلية تحت إشراف سمسار تجار السم ديفيد جون كوموري، شخصياً.

⭕ *من هو العميل المزدوج هيلاري ياكاني؟؟*
هيلاري ياكاني، ليس قائداً، بل مرتزق انتهازي من غواصي جهاز الأمن الوطني الذي نسجت له مسيرته المهنية بأكملها. حيث تم إعداده للقيام بالمهمات القذرة داخل القوى المعارضة في البلاد لا سيما المسلحة منها. وفي ذلك، نمط ارتزاقه موثق جيداً من بينها:

⭕ *اتفاقية نهر ياي للسلام من الداخل*
في عام ٢٠١٧ وجهت جهاز الأمن الوطني عميله هيلاري ياكاني الذي تم زرعه مبكراً في صفوف الحركة الشعبية المعارضة. وبعد نجاحه في أحداث انشقاق داخل الحركة الشعبية في المعارضة، وجهته النظام للانخراط في محادثات السلام باسم الحركة الشعبية والجيش الشعبي لتحرير السودان – في المعارضة بولاية نهر ياي. في ٣٠ أبريل/نيسان 2017، وقعت العميد هيلاري ياكاني نيابةً عن الحركة الشعبية في المعارضة جناح النظام، والجنرال ستيفن بابن عن حكومة/ والجيش الشعبي، الاتفاق الشعبي لتعزيز الحوار الوطني في ولاية نهر ياي..

⭕ *تصفية الفنان يوما سبستيان*
في عام 2022، وبعد عودتهم إلى جوبا بموجب الاتفاق الشعبي لتعزيز الحوار الوطني في ولاية نهر ياي، واصل مرتزق جهاز الأمن الوطني هيلاري ياكاني أعماله القذرة. هذه المرة ضد زملائه الذين انشقوا معه ذهب فيه الفنان الكبير يوما سيباستيان ضحية لذلك بعد أن كشف بعض من أبرز أعمال هيلاري ياكاني قذارةً مما أدى إلى اغتياله في أغسطس ٢٠٢٢.
لقد استخدم جهاز الأمن الوطني مرتزقه هيلاري ياكاني ككبش الفداء للتغطية على هذه الجريمة الشنيعة تمهيداً لتسليمه مخطط جديد تحت ذريعة أن حياته بالداخل، أصبحت في خطر كبير بعد تصفية الفنان الكبير يوما سيباستيان.
بنسبة لجهاز الأمن الوطني، كان اغتيال الفنان الراحل مشروعاً داخل مشروع؛ وفي هذا الإطار، قامت الجهاز بتهريب عميله هيلاري ياكاني، خارج البلاد كجزء من مخطط جديد.

⭕ *مخطط العودة إلى يوغندا مجدداً*
في عام ٢٠٢٣، ظهر مرتزق جهاز الأمن الوطني هيلاري ياكاني في مخيم موروبي للاجئين الجنوب سودانيين بـ(يوغندا) مدعيا أن حياته في خطر كبير بالداخل كغطاء لمهمته الجديد. وهناك، بدأ بتنفيذ خطة الجهاز الخبيثة لتجنيد الشباب تحت راية "جبهة الخلاص الوطني. والتواصل مع قيادتها.

⭕ *انكشاف المؤامرة:*
عندما كشفت وحدة مكافحة التجسس التابعة لجبهة الخلاص الوطني شبكة جهاز الأمن الوطني في مخيم موروبي للاجئين ومخططاتها التخريبية بما في ذلك الاغتيالات وشراء الذمم، وإثار الفتن... أنهى سلطات الجهاز هذه المهمة قبل ثلاثة أشهر، وأصدروا تعليماتهم لعميلهم المزدوج ياكاني ورجاله بالإعلان علنًا عن انشقاقهم وانضمامهم إلى قوات دفاع شعب لجنوب السودان والتوجه فورًا إلى جوبا لتنفيذ خطة "ب" التي تم تنفيذها يوم ٢٤ أغسطس بمنطقة لوري غرب مدينة جوبا.

⭕ *مخطط لوري كخطة بديلة*
في 24 أغسطس، شهدتم أو سمعتم عن انضمام الشباب المخدوعين، الذي ظل ينظم فيهم جهاز الأمن الوطني لأكثر من شهرين تحت إشراف سمسار تجار السم ديفيد جون كوموري، وبعض من عناصر أجهزة أمن النظام باسم جبهة الخلاص الوطني، إلى مليشيات النظام القمعي في جوبا. أقل ما يمكن أن نقوله عن مسرحية لوري الهزيلة، بأنها العار ذاتها الذي ظل يلازم نظام الحركة الشعبية لأكثر من عقدين من الزمان.

⭕ *من هم وراء مسرحية لوري واهدافهم المخفي؟؟*
قبل أكثر من خمسة سنوات كلف الرئيس الدموي كل من تجار السم جيمس واني ايقا، ومارتن إيليا لومورو وآخرين، لتكوين مليشيات من أبناء الاستوائية. بعد أن فشل ثنائهما في تكوين مليشيات الحرب بالوكالة، تدخل الرئيس سلفا كير شخصيًا بتكليف سمسار تجار السم ديفيد جون كوموري بهذه المهمة بالنسبة اليه، مسرحية لوري ذات أهمية خاصة. وبحسب علمنا، حدث اختلاف كبير وسط لصوص جهاز الأمن الوطني بشأن المبالغ التي كان ينبغي تسليمها إلى كوموري لهذا الغرض تحت حجة أن كبار تجار السم ممثل في جميس واني ايقا، ومارتن إيليا لومورو، ظل يستنفذان خزينة الدولة تحت هذا المشروع التمكيني من دون أي جدوي.
تعهد كير بتزويد هذه القوة بالأسلحة الحكومية ودمجها رسميًا في جهاز الأمن الوطني ضمن اغراءات مدللة بحثاً عن مليشيات الحرب بالوكالة.

⭕ *تجار السم ونظام كير:*
تجار السموم هم أولئك الذين يستهدفون حياة شعبنا بسموم أفعالهم، التي تتخذ أشكالاً عديدة. هدفهم قتل الأبرياء جسدياً ونفسياً وروحياً. حيث أن معظمهم، يستغلون إمكانيات الدولة لتحقيق غاياتهم. وتصور مسرحية "لوري" بوضوح العلاقة بين هؤلاء التجار ونظام سلفا كير، الذي يمكننا أن نطلق عليه "نظام تجار السم". الذين لديهم وكلاء. أخص بالذكر هنا كل من:

- سمسار تجار السم – حاكم ولاية الاستوائية الوسطى الحالي ايمانويل عادل أنطوني وعميل جهاز الأمن الوطني.

- سمسار تجار السم – المطران الدجال الياس تعبان بارانجي الذي يستخدم الخطاب الديني غطاءً لعمليات الاستخبارات العسكرية.

- سمسار تجار السم – ضابط جهاز الأمن الوطني إدموند ياكاني الذي متخفيًا وراء ستار المجتمع المدني للقيام بالأنشطة الهدامة.

- سمسار تجار السم – ديفيد جون كوموري والعميل المزدوج.

⭕ *العميل المزدوج ديفيد جون كوموري*
متسكى شوارع القاهرة ديفيد جون كوموري تحول بين عشية وضحاها بفضل جهود تاجر السم مارتن إيليا لومورو، إلى الناطق الرسمي باسم جهاز الأمن الوطني. لقد أفلح لومورو في زرع عميل له داخل جهاز الأمن الوطني. فمنذ التحاق ابن كوموري بالجهاز، أصبح المعلومات المصنف سري للغاية، في متناول يد مارتن إيليا لومورو. حيث تعد تسريب المعلومات إلى جهات داخلية وخارجية، أحد روافد الكسب الغير المشروع للناطق الرسمي باسم الجهاز ديفيد جون كوموري. والذي في الآونة الأخيرة، أنه تسربت معلومات خطيرة عن حادث الحريق الذي نشب في مقر جهاز الأمن الوطني المعروف بـ( *بلو هاوس* ).

⭕ *مؤامرة حرق مقر جهاز الأمن الوطني:*
فساد الدائرة المقربة. بينما يستخدم ديفيد جون كوموري سلطة الدولة الأمنية للاستيلاء على الأراضي وترويع المواطنين، يبقى ولاؤه الحقيقي لمصالحه الشخصية. وتؤكد تسريبات استخباراتية من داخل دائرة كوموري نفسها مدى فساد النظام الداخلي.
تكشف هذه التسريبات الحقيقة من هم وراء تدمير مقر جهاز الأمن الوطني "بلو هاوس": قامت السيدة أدوت سلفا كير والجنرال نابليون أدوك بنهب المنشأة بشكل ممنهج، حيث استولوا على أكثر من مليوني دولار أمريكي وما يقارب عشرة مليارات جنيه سوداني، قبل أن يستخرج الجنرال أدوك أجهزة كمبيوتر محمولة حساسة للاستخبارات ويضرم النار في المقر لإخفاء آثارهم.

⭕ *التحدي الأخير*
لإثبات صحة ما كشفناه من معلوماتٍ مُدينةٍ حول أنشطة السيد ديفيد كوموري السرية، فإننا نتحدى سلطات جهاز الأمن الوطني أن تُجري تحقيقًا شاملًا وعاجلًا في كيفية جمع السيد كوموري ثروةً طائلةً وامتلاكه عقاراتٍ شاسعةً باهظة الثمن في كل من جوبا وكمبالا واروا، تُقدّر قيمتها بملايين الدولارات الأمريكية، في فترةٍ وجيزةٍ جدًا!
سيظل الخائن خائناً، بغض النظر عن الزي أو الراية التي يتستر بها. عاد هيلاري ياكاني إلى مُشغّليه في جوبا، لكن مسرحية لوري كشفت حقيقة النظام: عصابة تحتضر نفدت أكاذيبها.

⭕ *ختام الامل المتجدد*
وأخيرًا، أودّ أن أؤكد لشعبنا أن جبهة الخلاص الوطني، في نضالها الهادف إلى استعادة حرية وكرامة شعبنا، ملتزمةٌ برؤيتها ورسالتها وأهدافها ومبادئها، ولن تُشتّت انتباهها الادعاءات أو الدعاية السياسية السلبية، لا اليوم ولا غدًا ولا في المستقبل. لذلك، نقف صفًا واحدًا، عازمين على مواصلة النضال تحت قيادة الجنرال توماس سيريلو سواكا حتى نُحقق تطلعات شعبنا.
في مثل هذه اللحظات، من الضروري أن نوضح للجميع أن النظام القمعي، الذي ينهار سريعًا تح٥ت وطأة إخفاقاته، سيستمر في اللجوء إلى هذه الدعاية الرخيصة والنزعة القبلية لبث بذور الفتنة وانعدام الثقة بيننا. لذلك، نحث شعبنا على عدم الانجرار وراء هذه الدعاية، والعمل جاهدين على محاربتها. السمّ الذي يروج له من يتربحون منه في جميع أنحاء وطننا الحبيب.

من أجلكم ومعكم، سنهزم عدونا المشترك، الذي يمثل بنظام سلفا كير القمعي.

24/08/2026

Gen. Hilary Yakani left NAS
With 4 people only. The 200 are just recruits within Juba, it's NSS propaganda.😂

24/08/2026

A response to the press secretary in the office of the president Kiir.

17/07/2026

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Revisiting the referendum: A critical examination of Kiir’s bribery claims and SPLM infiltration allegations

May 25, 2026 BY TEREZA LEILA JUBE

When President Salva Kiir recently claimed before a public audience that former Sudanese President Omar Hassan Ahmed Al-Bashir attempted to bribe him with $505 million to derail South Sudan’s independence referendum, the statement sparked immediate controversy. While the allegation makes for dramatic political theatre, a meticulous examination of the historical record, parliamentary proceedings, and internal SPLM dynamics suggests a far more complex and troubling reality.

The bribery claim: Timing and credibility

Addressing the 43rd anniversary of the Sudan People’s Liberation Army (SPLA), Kiir alleged that Al-Bashir made the cash offer in the presence of three regional leaders: the late Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak, the late Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi, and the then-President of Mauritania. The purported purpose: to persuade Kiir to cancel the 2011 referendum that ultimately led to South Sudan’s secession.

Critics have raised immediate red flags about the narrative’s timing and plausibility. If such an extraordinary event occurred, why has it taken nearly fifteen years to disclose? Moreover, seasoned observers of Sudan-South Sudan relations note that high-stakes political maneuvering of this nature rarely unfolds before a gallery of heads of state.

“This is not how such operations are conducted,” a former intelligence official with knowledge of cross-border political dynamics told this reporter. “Matters of this sensitivity are handled through security channels and intermediaries, not in multi-lateral summits with multiple heads of state present.”

A history of allegiances: Kiir and the NCP

The credibility of Kiir’s narrative faces further scrutiny when contextualized against his political trajectory. Records indicate that President Kiir maintained consistent communication with Sudan’s National Congress Party (NCP) dating back to the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) negotiations.

Particularly revealing are events from 2004 in Yei, where Kiir reportedly broke ranks with Dr. John Garang de Mabior, the revered founder of the SPLM. Subsequently, at the Rumbek Conference, Kiir aligned himself with a Bahr el Ghazal faction that included Bona Malwal, Dominic Dim, Justin Yach, and other members of the JCE group. According to multiple political analysts, individuals within this circle, particularly Bona Malwal, maintained longstanding alliances with the Khartoum regime.

The implications are significant: if key figures within Kiir’s inner circle had established ties to the NCP during the critical period leading to the referendum, the president’s claim that Al-Bashir needed to bribe him directly becomes logically problematic.

The helicopter crash: Unanswered questions and unseemly celebrations

No examination of this period can avoid the tragic death of Dr. John Garang on July 30, 2005, when his helicopter crashed in the forests of Eastern Equatoria while returning from Uganda. The incident remains shrouded in controversy, with successive calls for a transparent investigation.

What is historically documented, and deeply troubling, is that upon news of Garang’s death reaching Juba, certain individuals reportedly distributed sweets in celebration. Witnesses and political historians have consistently identified these celebrants as belonging to factions loyal to Salva Kiir.

General Aleu Ayieny, who served on the official investigation committee into the crash (and who was appointed by Kiir himself), has repeatedly suggested that the Ugandan government bore complicity in Garang’s death. More significantly, Ayieny allegedly threatened that if he and his associates were not reinstated to party and government positions following their dismissal, he would publicly disclose what truly transpired. Napoleon Adwok G*i, another Kiir appointee who served as clerk of the investigation’s information, further complicates the committee’s credibility.

These circumstances have led many to question whether the official investigation was ever intended to uncover the truth, or instead served as a mechanism for control and, some allege, blackmail.

Parliamentary crisis: The referendum battle of 2007-2009

The legislative history of the referendum offers perhaps the most concrete evidence of where loyalties actually lie. Between 2007 and 2009, Sudan’s National Assembly witnessed intense conflict between the NCP and SPLM over multiple pieces of legislation: the Security Bill, the Referendum Bill, the Borders Bill, the Abyei Bill, the Nuba Mountains Bill, and the Blue Nile Bill.

When the draft referendum law was released, SPLM-North representative Yasir Arman discovered a devastating alteration. The NCP had effectively removed secession as an option, replacing it with language that merely “confirmed unity.” The draft also included a provision allowing a six-year postponement of any vote. In other words, the referendum had been rendered meaningless.

Arman’s response was swift. After alerting his colleagues, he led a walkout of SPLM parliamentarians. They contacted Pagan Amum, then SPLM Secretary-General, who was not himself a member of parliament. What followed was a rare public challenge to NCP dominance: the SPLM and opposition parties called for a demonstration demanding democratic reforms.

The government banned the rally the day before, a Sunday, according to contemporaneous accounts. Yet hundreds gathered in Khartoum regardless, led by Pagan Amum and Yasir Arman. Amum’s declaration became legendary: “The referendum will be held, even if the heavens rain down fire.”

Security forces dispersed the gathering, arresting both Amum and Arman. Though both were later released, the incident prompted all SPLM members in the national government to withdraw from Khartoum and return to Juba.

The night revelations: Infiltration exposed

In Juba, emergency meetings stretched from 6:00 P.M. until 7:00 A.M. the following morning. During these marathon sessions, a disturbing pattern emerged: the SPLM parliamentary bloc had been compromised. The individuals who were infiltrated included Manawa Aligo (head of the SPLM parliamentary bloc), General Aleu Ayieny, and Maulana Telar Ring.

Crucially, all three figures were drawn from the faction loyal to President Salva Kiir himself. If these individuals were compromised by the NCP while serving as Kiir’s trusted allies, questions naturally arise about the president’s awareness of or complicity in it.

On December 1, 2007, Kiir responded by issuing a decree dismissing Telar Ring and Aleu Ayieny from the SPLM Political Bureau and revoking their party membership entirely. Kiir publicly framed the decision as necessary to protect the movement’s unity. However, the dismissals of these former friends and allies sparked intense speculation.

Telar Ring, who served as Minister of State in the Sudanese Presidency, had reportedly succeeded in isolating the First Vice President from the party and imposing austerity policies on southern affairs. Some speculated that he aspired to replace Pagan Amum as SPLM Secretary-General. Meanwhile, Aleu Ayieny used his position on the Garang helicopter investigation committee as leverage, repeatedly threatening to expose the truth about the crash unless reinstated.

Manawa Aligo fared worse than his colleagues. Unlike Telar and Ayieny, he possessed neither political leverage nor a power base in Bahr el Ghazal. Consequently, he was never reinstated—a disparity that speaks volumes about how political influence, rather than innocence, determined outcomes.

Remarkably, on September 1, 2009, the SPLM officially readmitted Telar Ring and Aleu Ayieny. Pagan Amum announced that the Political Bureau, after three days of deliberation, had reinstated them with full rights and obligations under the SPLM constitution.

Consequences of compromise

The infiltration of SPLM members had tangible, lasting consequences. Implementation of “popular consultation” provisions for the Nuba Mountains, Blue Nile, and Abyei was effectively blocked. The border between Sudan and South Sudan remains undemarcated to this day, a direct legacy of these parliamentary battles and compromised leadership.

“The people of South Sudan were determined to hold the referendum on schedule,” notes a regional political analyst who requested anonymity to discuss sensitive matters. “This popular determination is precisely what made Kiir and his compromised circle fear they would be the losers if their plan to prevent the referendum succeeded. So Kiir disappeared strategically. The heroism he now claims is a fabrication.”

Deconstructing the $505 million narrative

Even setting aside the political history, the bribery allegation contains internal inconsistencies that undermine its credibility.

First, the specific figure $505 millions. The specificity suggests a constructed narrative rather than an actual recollection.

Second, the logistics of the alleged bribe defy standard practice. “Heads of state are not bribed directly in front of other heads of state,” a former diplomat told a reporter. “These matters are handled through intermediaries—figures like Tut Kew, who had a reputation for facilitating transactions between Khartoum and Juba, or Salah Gosh, the former Sudanese intelligence chief who specialized in exactly this type of operation.”

Third, Kiir rarely conducts high-level meetings without senior advisors. Throughout the critical period, he was typically accompanied by figures such as Pagan Amum, Nhial Deng Nhial, Deng Alor, or Barnaba Marial Benjamin. Any credible account of such a meeting would need to account for their presence or explain their absence.

Fourth, if Al-Bashir genuinely feared the referendum’s outcome and sought to bribe Kiir, logic suggests he would have employed the very networks he had spent years cultivating within Kiir’s circle, the same compromised individuals whose existence undermines Kiir’s current narrative.

The four scandals Kiir would rather not discuss

President Kiir’s dramatic bribery allegation serves a strategic purpose: it deflects attention from far more damaging questions that have haunted his presidency. These include:

The death of John Garang -Who was truly responsible for the helicopter crash that killed South Sudan’s founding father? Why has every investigation been opaque? Why did Kiir appoint his own loyalists to the inquiry committee? And why have figures like Aleu Ayieny suggested they could reveal explosive information?

The 2013 Juba massacres -Who ordered the door-to-door killings of Nuer civilians in Juba following the December 2013 political crisis? The violence that erupted transformed South Sudan from a promising new nation into a failed state.

Systematic corruption -Independent estimates suggest that more than $20 billion, not $505 million, has been embezzled or misappropriated during South Sudan’s brief existence as an independent nation. The president’s focus on a comparatively modest bribery allegation appears designed to distract from this staggering figure.

International pariah status -Who bears responsibility for reducing South Sudan from a nation that inspired global hope to one that commands neither respect nor influence in regional or international forums?

The Murle abduction narrative: Parallel myths

The pattern of constructing convenient narratives extends beyond presidential politics. The most persistent myth in South Sudan, that the Murle people abduct children due to infertility, follows a similar pattern of unsubstantiated accusation serving political ends.

Historical records from B.A. Lewis, who served as an administrator in the 1930s and 1940s, indicates that the Murle did experience a period of fertility challenges. Lewis attributed this to gonorrhea introduced by military personnel posted to Pibor (Lewis, 1972:154). He later documented the restoration of fertility among Murle women and speculated whether this would reduce child abduction (1972:160).

Jon Arensen, another researcher specializing in Murle society, documented a temporary reduction in birthrates among the Murle during the 1960s due to venereal disease, possibly the continuation of the same epidemic Lewis observed. A World Health Organization campaign successfully eradicated the disease in Pibor during the 1960s.

Crucially, no medical data from the past fifty years has identified infertility as a continuing problem among the Murle. While periods of reduced fertility in the distant past may have increased demand for children, anthropological records confirm that child abduction was common throughout the region long before these periods, and was practiced by multiple communities, not exclusively the Murle.

As Lewis presciently observed, it remains “interesting to see if the newfound fertility in Murle women will curb the illicit trade in ‘incest children’ for cattle with the Bor Dinka; a practice frowned upon by authority, but difficult to prevent” (1972:160). The persistence of the infertility narrative despite contrary evidence suggests it serves a social function: delegitimizing the Murle and justifying their marginalization within Jonglei State’s complex ethnic landscape.

Conclusion: A pattern of convenient narratives

President Salva Kiir’s $505 million bribery allegation fits a recognizable pattern: the deployment of dramatic, unverifiable claims to reshape public memory, deflect from accountability, and construct a heroic legacy largely disconnected from documented history.

The evidentiary record, parliamentary proceedings, the documented compromise of Kiir’s own allies, the troubling circumstances surrounding Garang’s death, and the staggering scale of corruption during his presidency paint a picture fundamentally at odds with the narrative Kiir now advances.

If Al-Bashir were still in power or able to respond, observers suggest he would not remain silent. Whatever else may be said about Sudan’s former president, he was known to relish political argument and defend his historical record.

Until independent evidence emerges to support Kiir’s claims, evidence beyond a convenient story delivered fifteen years late, before a sympathetic audience, with no corroborating witnesses, the wiser course is skepticism. South Sudan’s painful history deserves truth, not mythology; accountability, not deflection; and leadership willing to answer hard questions rather than hiding behind unsubstantiated allegations.

The writer is a lawyer, political activist, and a member of the National Salvation Front (NAS).