MiningWatch Canada

10/16/2026

10/11/2026

"Conservative Party of BC interim leader Lorne Doerkson confirmed that if his party forms government, he would repeal the Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples Act as his top priority. Despite the many socio-economic issues facing British Columbia, DRIPA has been the primary focus of B.C. Conservative politicians for the past two years.

Saying that he would repeal DRIPA is the easiest part. Neither Doerkson nor any B.C. Conservative, for that matter, has clearly articulated what would come next.

Repealing DRIPA could not be the destination. It would have to be the first step, and the Conservatives have been so distracted by culture wars and “purity tests” in their race-to-the-bottom brand of politics that they have no idea what the second step is.

Their failure to develop even a modest Crown-Indigenous relations policy is not a path to certainty for British Columbia.

The law doesn’t leave with the statute

Doerkson has been the MLA for Cariboo-Chilcotin since 2020. He must know the role the Tŝilhqot’in territory in his own riding played in defining the future of Aboriginal title in British Columbia. DRIPA was unanimously passed in the legislative assembly five years after the Supreme Court of Canada’s landmark decision recognizing Tŝilhqot’in title in 2014.

That Supreme Court decision doesn’t go away if DRIPA is repealed. Nor will any of the long line of court decisions before it: Calder; Delgamuukw; Haida; Section 35 of the Constitution Act, which protects Aboriginal and treaty rights; or the federal United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples Act.

What would disappear would be the tools that, used well, help the province move forward together. Gone would be the structured process, the Crown-Indigenous alignment work and the Section 7 agreements, which “outline the processes for joint or consent-based statutory decision-making.”

If the Conservatives get their way, the result is more uncertainty, not less, and the courts once again become the default decision-maker.

Then what?

For months, British Columbians have been told, by government and opposition parties alike, that investors need certainty.

The business community has expressed frustration. In a May 2026 survey done by the Business Council of BC, 98 per cent of its members said DRIPA is not “living up to its promise of creating investment certainty in B.C.” An equal percentage said they were “very concerned about DRIPA’s current implementation.” A majority said they supported repealing DRIPA.

However, it is important to understand what the business community asked for. Laura Jones, CEO of the Business Council of BC, said they want “durable reconciliation that protects the public interest, promotes prosperity, and helps close the socio-economic gaps still experienced by too many Indigenous people.” She stated clearly that the “desire to work with Indigenous communities to create prosperity for all remains strong.”

This is a call for a better way of implementing DRIPA. Repealing the act can’t deliver that. We know what effective implementation looks like when it works. The 2022 Section 7 agreement between the province and the Tahltan Nation led, this January, to the environmental assessment certificate for the Eskay Creek mine.

Other Section 7 agreements have already been signed. There was a second agreement with the Tahltan for the Red Chris mine, an agreement with the Simpcw First Nation for the Yellowhead mine and one with the ’Na̱mg̱is First Nation regarding forestry on northern Vancouver Island.

In 2025, the province authorized negotiation of a Section 7 agreement with the Tŝilhqot’in Nation, in Doerkson’s own riding. That’s the work that he is promising to halt.

Repealing DRIPA throws away the tools. Section 35 and the title court cases all remain, so we revert to a highly charged, litigious Crown-Indigenous relationship. With John Rustad’s retirement, a Conservative Party of BC government would have vanishingly few relationships with First Nations leaders to rely on.

The business community is frustrated by the government’s implementation of DRIPA, but repeal would leave them with less certainty than they have now.

Building resilience through relationships

Every B.C. government needs a working relationship with the province’s more than 200 First Nations. As Indigenous governments are increasingly effective in serving the socio-economic needs of their membership, they are also developing comprehensive negotiations and litigation strategies to defend and advance their rights and title.

First Nations are key partners in dealing with wildfire, stewarding ecosystems, managing resources and delivering services. The B.C. Conservatives have made little effort to build relationships with First Nations. Worse, their daily trolling of Indigenous rights in question period toxified the legislative assembly to the point that made it uncomfortable for Indigenous people to even visit the precinct.

Doerkson told the North Delta Reporter that he will repeal DRIPA and instead “engage with First Nations directly to form partnerships.” But as reporter Mark Page noted, many First Nations oppose changes to DRIPA, and Doerkson “couldn’t articulate what he would do if that opposition grew into protests and blockades.”

A headline is not a plan

British Columbians, including the business community, cannot afford public policy that is only as deep as the headline. The B.C. Conservatives have a slogan but have offered nothing of substance after that.

Doerkson isn’t entirely wrong that something needs fixing, but he is wrong about what.

DRIPA’s weakness has been its implementation.

The government’s action plan for implementing DRIPA is opaque; the pace and priorities are set by government alone. The result is that reconciliation has become a list of boxes to be ticked. First Nations are frustrated with the slow progress.

But the answer is not to repeal DRIPA. The answer is to create legislation to implement DRIPA — legislation developed with First Nations and designed to support B.C.’s unique legal landscape and cultural diversity, with transparent accountability mechanisms and independent oversight.

Saying “repeal” is the easy part. Before the provincial election on Oct. 24, ask every candidate: Then what?"

10/09/2026

Our own Catherine Coumans testified yesterday, enduring 5 hours of cross-examination on her documentation of the atrocities that triggered this case.

10/07/2026

Bill C-39, the so-called Building Canada Strong Act, threatens to rip Canada's environmental safety net apart. Tucked inside are a dizzying array of amendments to claw back protections for species at risk, water quality, fisheries and more, while expanding Ottawa's powers to exempt major projects from certain protections.

"We don't have an economy over the long term if we destroy the ecosystem."

10/06/2026

Many people are not aware that the Telkwa Coal Mine proposal includes plans for 3 containment (tailings) dams, each one over 40m (130 feet) high. The company has stated in their own documents that 200 residents' lives are at risk in the event of failure.

10/05/2026

𝗛𝗜𝗦𝗧𝗢𝗥𝗜𝗖 𝗩𝗜𝗖𝗧𝗢𝗥𝗬 𝗙𝗢𝗥 𝗠𝗔𝗥𝗜𝗡𝗗𝗨𝗤𝗨𝗘 𝗔𝗡𝗗 𝗘𝗖𝗢𝗟𝗢𝗚𝗜𝗖𝗔𝗟 𝗝𝗨𝗦𝗧𝗜𝗖𝗘 𝗜𝗡 𝗧𝗛𝗘 𝗣𝗛𝗜𝗟𝗜𝗣𝗣𝗜𝗡𝗘𝗦

The Philippine Misereor Partnership, Inc. (PMPI) extends its warmest congratulations to the Marinduque Council for Environmental Concerns (Macec Marinduque) and the resilient communities of Marinduque as the Department of Environment and Natural Resources (DENR) officially released today the long-awaited Communication required for the $100-Million Settlement Agreement between the Provincial Government of Marinduque and Barrick Gold Corporation. The official hard copy was formally received through Atty. Amelthon Sampayo, legal counsel for the Original Plaintiffs, and Rev. Fr. Arvin Anthony J. Madla, representing MACEC.

For nearly thirty years, the people of Marinduque have borne the deep scars of the Marcopper mining disaster, waiting for true accountability and a path toward restoration. The release of this critical document marks a monumental milestone, paving the way for the healing of poisoned rivers, damaged ecosystems, and affected livelihoods that have suffered for decades. It stands as a powerful testament to what grassroots movement and unwavering advocate solidarity can achieve in demanding environmental justice.

We express our deepest gratitude and salute every individual, organization, and community member who stood firm, raised their voices, and tirelessly fought to reach this breakthrough. As we turn a new page toward ecological recovery, this victory belongs to all the communities of Marinduque and serves as a beacon of hope for future generations. This is a powerful reminder that Nature’s right to heal can and will prevail.



Photo courtesy: MACEC

09/24/2026

How are corporate investments protected over people and the planet? A great line-up for this very timeline online teach-in organized by Common Frontiers Trade Justice Network and MiningWatch! Register here ⬇️ tinyurl.com/Canada-ISDS

This teach-in explores how the Canadian government protects Canadian foreign investors like mining companies in Latin America. It is an introduction to a pesky colonialist tool called "Investor-State Dispute Settlement" (ISDS), which poses serious obstacles to climate and environmental justice, Indigenous sovereignty, corporate accountability, and efforts to defend the public interest. As part of the Global Days of Action against ISDS taking place in cities and countries around the world, we will launch newly released case studies on Canada’s ISDS footprint in Latin America and join the global call for an ISDS-free world.

09/17/2026

PRESS RELEASE: OUR HOMELANDS ARE NOT FOR SALE: Neskantaga condemns Canada's Ring of Fire Investment Pitch and maintains NON-CONSENT to the Northern Road Link, Webequie Supply Road, and Marten Falls Community Access Road.

As Prime Minister Carney courts global investors today in Toronto, Canada is marketing mineral exploration in Treaty No. 9 while governments advance the roads needed to open the Ring of Fire without Neskantaga’s consent.

Neskantaga wants the investors here in Toronto today to know: Neskantaga will be meeting the mining industry on the land when the time comes. There is no certainty for Ring of Fire investments as long as our people are alive. We will defend our home and waters.

The federal government’s investment prospectus lists Juno Corp. as an investment opportunity based on its extensive mineral claims in the Ring of Fire, located all along the road Ontario is attempting to build on our homelands.

Canada is presenting contested lands in Treaty No. 9 as a long-term investment opportunity while Ontario accelerates construction of the Webequie Supply Road, the Marten Falls Community Access Road and the southern roads needed to reach the proposed Northern Road Link. These roads are being advanced before the Ring of Fire Regional Assessment is complete and without Neskantaga’s free, prior and informed consent.

The summit exposes what Neskantaga has said all along: these roads are not simply community-access projects. Together, they are the industrial corridor governments and mining companies need to open the so-called Ring of Fire to large-scale extraction. Canada and Ontario are using public money, regulatory approvals and political promotion to manufacture the appearance that this development is inevitable and to make it more attractive to private capital.

On August 31, Ontario announced that construction had begun on the 184-kilometre Marten Falls Community Access Road. The federal environment minister allowed the project to proceed even after finding that it is likely to cause some significant adverse effects, including cumulative effects on caribou and other wildlife, harvesting, Indigenous health and community well-being, cultural continuity, and the exercise of Aboriginal and Treaty rights.

Government officials know that Neskantaga is under a state of emergency. Our members remain evacuated in Toronto after our only nursing station was rendered unusable. Yet notices, approvals and project activities keep arriving at a pace that would challenge any community, let alone one fighting to keep its people safe.
Ontario can act as though these projects will proceed no matter what we say, but hear this: we will not accept that, and we will not be silenced.

Neskantaga respects the right of neighbouring First Nations to seek roads and infrastructure that respond to urgent community needs. But our respect cannot require our silence when decisions threaten our shared lands, waters and future generations. Ontario has made its own intentions clear: it describes the Marten Falls road as a critical link in a larger 514-kilometre corridor to the Ring of Fire.

The MFCAR connects to a community, yes. But at the end of the day, to Ontario, this is a mining road.

The Northern Road Link, part of this mining road system, will cross the Attawapiskat River and directly affect Neskantaga’s homelands, waters and Treaty rights. It offers no benefit to our community. It has not been approved, and Neskantaga has not consented to it. The approval of one road does not authorize the next road, the mines that may follow, or the industrial transformation of the entire region.

Let us call this what it is. Whatever hopes individual communities may hold for all-season access, the Ford government’s overriding objective in approving and constructing this network is to secure year-round industrial access to Treaty No. 9 homelands and open the north to mining. Ontario is using our communities’ legitimate need for safe, reliable infrastructure as the gateway to an extraction corridor.

Ontario is taking crises created by generations of colonial neglect and turning them into leverage for industrial development.

To our relatives and neighbours, we ask you to look beyond the money being offered today and confront what comes next. When the roads are built and the government steps back, who will you be left to deal with? Are you prepared to negotiate with mining executives and corporate lawyers whose duty is not to your people, your lands or Treaty No. 9, but to their shareholders? How long will it take before your rights, your laws and your responsibilities to the land are recast as “red tape” standing in the way of investment?

Millions of dollars may appear substantial today, but compare those offers with the full and lasting needs of our communities: health emergencies, overcrowded housing, addiction and mental-health crises, the soaring cost of food and essential goods, and the accelerating effects of climate change on community infrastructure and the land itself. Short-term funding cannot meet all the crises of today, let alone those of tomorrow.

The money is finite. The loss of land and water is permanent.

Our land is our greatest wealth. It is our source of food, medicine, shelter, knowledge, identity and healing. It has sustained our people for countless generations and is the only inheritance capable of sustaining those still to come. Once the land and water are damaged, no government loan, business agreement, compensation package or corporate apology can restore what has been lost.

When proponents say, “We will do this carefully,” we reject that false comfort. It is short-sighted to believe that money and promises of careful construction can protect a living homeland from the cumulative force of roads, bridges, aggregate pits, work camps, exploration traffic and mines.

The future these approvals point toward is dark, and we will not pretend otherwise. It means profits leaving the north while our children inherit the cleanup, the cumulative damage and the loss of places that cannot be replaced. This is not pessimism. It is the foreseeable result of Ontario’s stated plan, and it is what the history of extraction on Indigenous lands has repeatedly shown.

The same governments that can mobilize billions of dollars, ministries and regulatory machinery for mining roads have failed to provide Neskantaga with dependable drinking water, adequate housing, and safe health infrastructure. That is not simply a lack of capacity. It is a political choice about what this government values and whose lives it is prepared to endanger.

Neskantaga will remain principled and strong. We will not surrender our homelands to extractive industries, climate destruction, or the shameless greed of mining executives and their shareholders. We will use every lawful political, legal and land-based means available to defend our people and Mother Earth.

Stand with Neskantaga. Stand with the women, Elders, youth and land defenders leading this struggle. Stand with the water, the animals, and our Mother Earth.