American Russian-Speaking Association for Civil & Human Rights - ARA

08/20/2026

Dr. Dmitri Glinski's opening remarks at 'Russians Abroad for Peace and Freedom' - Zoom conference of solidarity and support for Yabloko / Россияне за рубежом за мир и свободу - видеоконференция солидарности и поддержки "Яблоку"; вступительное слово сопредседателя совета директоров Американской русскоязычной правозащитной ассоциации Дмитрия Глинского

"Events in Russia around the Yabloko Party are an element of the global context defined by the word 'Trump' (or, one could use 'Musk' as a synonym). It is the context of the forceful assault by authoritarian nationalists, encouraged by the largest corporations, against liberal democracy as a system of legal protection for minorities and vulnerable groups. In recent years, Grigory Yavlinsky has written about these threats with much clarity, while Yabloko has consistently defended the rights of minorities and the equality of women - all those things that are now under such a ferocious attack by Trump and his allies in Europe. Thus, Yabloko has been a part of the defensive frontline of liberal democracy in the world - along with Ukraine, except that they are defending it each by their own means." /

"События вокруг "Яблока" - часть глобального контекста, который коротко описывается словом "Трамп" (также его можно описать и словом "Маск"). Это контекст силового натиска авторитарных националистов, поощряемых крупными корпорациями, на либеральную демократию как систему правовой защиты интересов меньшинств и уязвимых слоёв общества. Григорий Явлинский в последние годы чётко высказывался об угрозах, которые с этим связаны, а "Яблоко" последовательно защищало права меньшинств, права женщин - на которые сегодня так ополчились Трамп и его союзники в Европе. "Яблоко" - это часть оборонительного фронта либеральной демократии в мире - так же, как и Украина обороняет её, только другими способами."

08/19/2026

On our participation in We Are All America (WAAA) Congressional meetings this week/В эти дни мы проводим встречи с офисами конгрессменов и сенаторов вместе с коалицей беженских организаций "Мы все - Америка"

This week, RCC and our nationwide Association of refugees, exiles and new Americans from Ukraine, Russia, and other countries of the region are joining forces with our friends and partners from , and with millions of refugees and de facto refugees in the US whom they serve, by taking part once again in WAAA's annual National Refugee Advocacy Days.

Our colleagues in the national and local leadership of RCC-ARA are participating in Congressional meetings in the states of Georgia (ARA in Georgia State / АРПА в Джорджии / АРПА у Джорджії), New Jersey, and Massachusetts (ARA in Massachusetts / АРПА в Массачусетсе / АРПА у Массачусетсі). We're urging Congress to restore refugee admissions, defend asylum, protect TPS, and end travel bans. We're asking our representatives in Congress to advocate with the Administration for the extension of TPS for Ukrainians that expires in October. We're also asking them to exercise their constitutional power of oversight over ICE and its detention facilities, where thousands of asylum seekers, including from the Russian, Ukrainian, and other communities that we serve, are being held.

We are grateful to WAAA's leadership for their tireless and highly effective work of bringing our most diverse immigrant and diaspora communities together in the spirit of equity and inclusion and helping to elevate their voices via these Advocacy Days and many other programs.

08/18/2026

From the closing statement of Lev Shlosberg, Russian democratic politician and journalist, Vice Chair of Yabloko, at his court trial in Pskov:

" Starting from 2021, government agencies of coercion have been provided with de facto political power in our country. This has led to a sharp rise in lawlessness, arbitrary decisions, and violations of the rights of citizens. Granting uniformed agencies the authority to make political decisions has stripped Russian courts of their independence. This leads to the demise of the power of the judiciary.

The repressive legislation enacted in our country in the 21st century has distorted the essence, goals, and objectives of Russia’s law enforcement and judicial systems.

Laws that directly undermine and nullify the constitutional rights and freedoms have, in strict accordance with their intended purpose, become a tool for the state’s persecution of its citizens.

Justice and laws have drifted further apart than ever before in the entire post-Soviet era. Thousands upon thousands of criminal cases have been brought to prosecute people for their beliefs—peaceful, nonviolent, and humanistic.

The purpose of thousands upon thousands of criminal cases has been to suppress dissent and instill fear in society. When one person is imprisoned, fear creeps into the hearts of millions.

Under the new laws, the free expression of one’s peaceful convictions, speaking out in defense of human dignity, protesting against violence, disagreeing with lies, and showing compassion, empathy, and mercy toward others have all become crimes. Virtue is persecuted, while vices are encouraged and glorified. Denunciations and outright perjury have trumped all evidence.

Thousands upon thousands of criminal cases have become a tool for harassment, slander, exclusion from public and political life, professional blacklisting, state-orchestrated witch hunts, personal vendettas, and a desire—bordering on sadism—to inflict maximum suffering on the families and the loved ones of these defendants.

Thousands of law enforcement officers—whose education and training have cost the state hundreds of billions of rubles—spend their work hours on social media, hunting for thoughts and words, posts and reposts, images and videos, likes and comments. Successful hunting is rewarded with titles, positions, commendations, bonuses, and promotions.

The new repressive laws have had the most devastating impact on Russia’s judicial system. The constitutional foundations of the judiciary—first and foremost, the independence of judges—have been effectively destroyed. The separation of powers no longer exists. Court decisions are predetermined outside the courts. Judicial proceedings based on adversarial principles and the equality of the parties have been replaced by accusatory trials in which the judge acts as the chief prosecutor and the chief violator of human rights and freedoms.

There are courts, but there is no justice.

The destruction of the judiciary is tantamount to the destruction of the state itself. The absence of justice is a sign that the state has abandoned its duty to provide judicial protection of human and civil rights and freedoms.

When the judiciary ceases to fulfill its purpose, the Constitution de facto loses its force and ceases to be in effect.

New repressive legislation has sparked a surge of political, ideological, and ethnic hatred and animosity in our country, dividing Russian society and destroying the buds of civil peace.

The prosecutors’ narrative portrays the state and supporters of its policies not only as always being in the right, but also as having the right to forcibly suppress those who disagree with state policy, including on issues of war and peace. Peaceful dissent against the state has been criminalized both in legislation and in law enforcement practice.

Civil dialogue and debate have been replaced by the Criminal Code, investigative agencies, and the courts. The strength of the evidence supporting the state’s policies is measured in years of imprisonment for those who publicly dissent and in waves of suffocating fear for those who dissent in silence.

When the state creates conditions for the growth of hatred and animosity, it sets in motion the most terrifying process for society— that is, dehumanization. Dehumanization makes it possible to take malicious pleasure in another person’s suffering and death; it stirs up cruelty and intransigence in people, as well as a willingness to prove one’s case not merely by force, but through the use of the state’s instruments of repression.

Supporters and organizers of repression always believe that repressive policies will last forever—or at least for as long as they live. As a rule, they do not care what happens afterward, beyond the span of their own lives. People who perpetuate lawlessness, cruelty, and hatred do not like to think about the future. Because when a person thinks about the future, they think about others, not about themselves. Cruelty and hatred are always deeply rooted in the present, in which, as they believe, they reign supreme.

Those who perpetuate injustice, cruelty, and hatred do not like to think about the future, because it means thinking of others rather than oneself. Accusers always want to put an end to history. But the great and life-giving power of history lies in the fact that it never ends.

Over the past three and a half decades, Russia has journeyed from inspiration to despair, from hope to disappointment, from the joy of freedom to the fear of freedom. This has given rise to the present moment, in which those who regard human beings as the highest value are deprived of freedom, while those who count human life for nothing are speaking and acting on behalf of the state.

A new window of historic opportunity lies ahead of us. We do not know when it will open, but it certainly will. "

Complete video of his remarks: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=idQXK4X_1mg

Lev Shlosberg was sentenced today to 11 years and 1 month in penal colony for his antiwar and pro-democracy views.

14 августа в Псковском городском суде подошло к концу рассмотрение ...

08/17/2026

Russians Resist: The Digest of Antiwar Action and Reprisals
August 3-16, 2026

Researched and published by the American Russian-speaking Association for Civil & Human Rights (ARA) Research & Analysis Team

In this issue:

1. Yabloko’s removal from the ballot

2. New court verdicts and sentencings for antiwar or pro-Ukraine activities

• Aug. 17 news: Lev Shlosberg (Pskov), Yabloko's Vice Chair, former local legislator, and a leading opposition figure, sentenced to 11 years and 1 month in penal colony for 'repeated disparagement' of the army and 'spreading disinformation' about it

• Yevgeny Kalganov (Novorossiisk): sentenced to 16 years of imprisonment for ‘high treason’ and ‘financing of terrorism’

• Ivan Stolbov (Russian citizen permanently residing in of Ivano-Frankivsk, Ukraine): 13 years in high-security colony for ‘high treason’

• Vasilisa Shishkina (Ulan-Ude, Republic of Buryatia): sentence of 12 years of imprisonment and 1 year of restriction of liberty for ‘high treason’ upheld on appeal

• Vladimir Silaev (Moscow): 12 years in high security colony and 1 year of restriction of liberty for ‘high treason’

• Aleksandr Gniteev (Yekaterinburg): 5 years of high-security colony for ‘financing extremism’

• Olga Yakovleva (Tver region): additional details5 years in penal colony for ‘public justification of terrorism’

• Vasily Ptashinsky (Moscow region): 3 years and 9 months in penal colony for ‘justification of terrorism’ and ‘public exhortations directed against the security of the state’

• Anonymous defendants: 8 years of imprisonment for a resident of Arkhangelsk for ‘financing terrorism’

3. Involuntary emigration: former antiwar presidential candidate Boris Nadezhdin escapes from Russia.

4. International response

UN Special Rapporteur on human rights in Russia issues statement about the new law restricting government services to Russia’s exiles found guilty of political crimes.

* * *

1. Yabloko’s trials and tribulations: party slate registration annulled, Yabloko appeals, its Vice Chair Lev Shlosberg faces lengthy term of imprisonment.

Russia’s politics and propaganda machine are in a state of major crisis over the seemingly minor and long-since marginalized Yabloko Party. On Aug. 5, Yabloko obtaining, through a draw, the second slot from the top of the party-list ballot, right after Putin’s United Russia. By then, Yabloko had already surprised many observers and shocked the Kremlin by climbing fast in the official and unofficial polls. According to the pro-Kremlin Nezavisimaya Gazeta, pollsters found Yabloko’s national support to be over 9 percent, which was higher than any of the results it ever achieved according to the official (admittedly, not entirely reliable) election data. (Source: Nezavisimaya Gazeta) It also drew support, in varying degrees, from prominent politicians and groups in exile, including those who had historically been hostile to Yabloko. Most notably, on Aug. 6, Yulia Navalnaya, the widow of Alexey Navalny (who had been expelled from Yabloko in 2007 and was repeatedly clashing with it ever since), called from her exile upon Russian voters to support Yabloko on the party-slate half of the ballot (Yulia Navalnaya’s Telegram). Meanwhile, its enemies resorted to the courts. On Aug. 7, Yabloko also lost every one of its nine cases in regional and city courts in which it contested the removal of its candidates; on the same day, the far-right Motherland Party (whose leader and only known member, Aleksey Zhuravlev, is a Duma member belonging to LDPR, the party founded by the late Vladimir Zhirinovsky), sued to have Yabloko removed from the ballot. On Aug. 10, barely a weekend after the lawsuit was filed, a Supreme Court judge partially granted it, by annulling CEC decision to register Yabloko for the national ballot.

On the day of the hearings, Yabloko’s supporters, mostly young people, lined up to watch the proceedings or showed their support in front of the building. They numbered at least a hundred or more, according to media estimates. (Sources: The Guardian; The Moscow Times) At least 10 of them were taken by the police and at least three were formally detained. (RusNews) Soon after Yabloko’s leadership left the court building, police ordered the crowd to disperse, issuing a thinly veiled threat through the amplifiers suggesting that those who disobey may end up in the army draft stations.

Official reasons for Yabloko’s removal, cited in the judge's ruling, would hardly withstand legal scrutiny in any foreign court. They include:

• Donations (in rubles) received from Russian citizens who had allegedly received funds from abroad in the past 3 years; as stated by the defense, under Russian laws this does not qualify as evidence of Yabloko’s foreign funding; further, Yabloko did return an equivalent of some $200 in donations that were not compliant with the law.

• Pro-Yabloko posts made by others in the social media that have been banned in Russia, such as Facebook, Instagram, X and YouTube; the judge rejected the claim that these posts were made completely independently of Yabloko, and imputed expenses of over 1 million USD on social media, i.e. far in excess of Yabloko’s election fund, which would be illegal.

• Quotations from Soviet-era song and play and other materials used by a journalist without permission from copyright owners, in his interview with Grigory Yavlinsky, Yabloko’s founder and ideological leader.

• Yabloko’s use of an image created by ChatGPT, without permission from OpenAI as ChatGPT owner.

On Aug. 14, Yabloko appealed. Its leaders have stated, and most of the opposition in Russia and abroad tends to agree, that the real reason for the ruling was its platform “for peace and freedom,” and its meteoric rise in the polls. “By removing a party with this particular platform without providing any substantive grounds for it, the political system has exposed itself for what it is,” stated Grigory Yavlinsky. “ It is evident that the demand for peace and freedom has proven to be much stronger than anticipated by the authorities. Cutting Yabloko off means a refusal to engage in dialogue with those who raise inconvenient questions.” (Source: Yavlinsky’s website)

There is a broad consensus among the commentariat that the crisis around Yabloko reflects the turf war between the relatively more moderate circle around Sergey Kirienko, Putin’s first deputy chief of staff, and the radical pro-war group of security and military industrial interests around Nikolay Patrushev, a member of Putin’s Security Council. At present, the latter seems to be winning. One indication of this is that alleged evidence against Yabloko regarding receipts from abroad by Yabloko’s donors was provided by the staff of the Central Election Commission that had unanimously registered Yabloko 12 days earlier. The document itself remains partly classified by judge’s order. At the same time, in a sign of possible internal disagreements, CEC announced that they will not be amending the ballots until the appeals process runs its course.

The outlook for Yabloko’s appeal is generally viewed as unpromising. Besides, the plaintiff in the Supreme Court case – the far-right Motherland Party – has also appealed the judge’s decision to lay aside some of its charges against Yabloko, such as the claims of ‘extremism’ (whose validation would likely lead to a complete ban of Yabloko). The hearing for both appeals is scheduled for Monday morning. [UPDATE: The appeals board ruled to uphold the initial decision.]

Yabloko has stated that if it loses appeal, it will pursue its case further, in the Constitutional Court. (Source: Yabloko website) Even if it loses the appeal process, it will still have over 100 candidates running in single-member districts across the country. However, they will not have access to the nationwide audience and may also become targeted for removal. Further, if Yabloko fails to get reinstated on the ballot, by 2028 its legal status will become vulnerable under Russia’s stringent law on political parties, and it may face liquidation.

Widespread pessimism about Yabloko is reinforced by the hardening of reprisals against its individual members. On Friday, Aug. 14, government prosecutor called for sentencing Lev Shlosberg, Yabloko’s Vice Chair and one of its best known and most daring leaders, to over 12 years of imprisonment. He has been in detention since December. Shlosberg is charged with ‘repeated disparagement’ of Russia’s army and ‘spreading disinformation’ about it. The former charge is based on his call for a ceasefire with Ukraine in one of his online videos; the latter on an online post he made in the first days of the invasion, i.e., prior to the enactment of the law under which he is being charged. There have been multiple irregularities and violations of Shlosberg’s rights in the course of the trial. The verdict comes less than two months after another Vice Chair of Yabloko, Maksim Kruglov, was sentenced to 7 years in penal colony on similar charges.

Further, in the past few days, some of Yabloko’s activists, candidates, employees, and even journalists covering the court hearing reported being visited by law enforcement with official warnings about criminal consequences of unsanctioned public actions. (SOTAvision) One of these warnings was received by Alexey Smirnov, a 75-year-old dissident, Soviet-era political prisoner, and Yabloko’s current candidate for the Duma (Smirnov’s Facebook post).

The crisis around Yabloko has an international dimension. This has been acknowledged by Volodymyr Zelensky, who connected the Yabloko issue with the likelihood of another mobilization in Russia after September 20: “If Putin wants war so badly that <…> he was afraid to allow even a single party that said at least something about the need for peace on the ballot – and removed the Yabloko party – then his priorities are crystal clear.” (Ukraine’s presidential website).

2. New court sentences for antiwar or pro-Ukraine activities

• Aug. 17 update: Lev Shlosberg (Pskov), 63 years old, was sentenced on Aug. 11 by Pskov city court to 11 years and 1 month of imprisonment on charges of 'repeated disparagement' of the army and 'spreading false information' about it. The former charge is based on his call for a ceasefire with Ukraine in one of his online videos; the latter on an online post he made on the third day of Russia's invasion of Ukraine, i.e., prior to the enactment of the law under which he is being charged; in this post, he shared the cover of British Daily Mirror with the image of Putin and a bleeding woman. There have been multiple irregularities and violations of Shlosberg’s rights in the course of the trial, including the absence of his lawyers at the final stage of the trial. (Source: Mediazona) Shlosberg, a historian by training, is a journalist, former publisher of a regional newspaper, and one of the most popular members of Yabloko's leadership. In their statement today, Grigory Yavlinsky and Nikolay Rybakov stated that Shlosberg's sentencing demonstrates "the tragedy of the breakdown of Russia's justice system." (Nikolay Rybakov's Telegram channel)

• Yevgeny Kalganov (Novorossiisk), 34 years old, was sentenced on Aug. 4, by the Southern District Military Court in Rostov-on-Don, to 16 years of imprisonment (including 5 years in jail and 11 in high-security colony) for ‘high treason’ and ‘financing of terrorism.' According to court announcement, while staying in Poland in 2022-23, Kalganov made 15 transfers of funds (for a total of around $600) to the ‘Freedom of Russia Legion’, a military unit of Russian exiles fighting on the Ukrainian side and branded as ‘terrorist’ by Russian authorities. According to Mediazona research, Kalganov worked in construction industry. (Sources: Southern district military court; Mediazona)

• Ivan Stolbov, also a 34-year-old Russian citizen but permanently residing in Ivano-Frankivsk, Ukraine, was found guilty of ‘high treason’ and sentenced on Aug. 10 by Sverdlovsk regional court to13 years in high-security colony, with subsequent 1 year of restriction of liberty and a fine equivalent to about $3,600. According to the charges, while living in Ukraine, Stolbov made 11 transfers, equivalent to around $65 in total, to an unspecified Ukrainian organization that it allegedly used for Ukrainian army purchases. In 2025, Stolbov traveled to Russia to visit his mother and was detained at the airport. (Sources: Sverdlovsk region court system; Mediazona)

• Vasilisa Shishkina (Ulan-Ude, Republic of Buryatia) has lost her appeal of the verdict of Buryatia’s Supreme Court which sentenced her to 12 years of imprisonment and 1 year of restriction of liberty for ‘high treason’. On Aug. 6, the appeals court in Novosibirsk upheld the sentence, but also lengthened the remainder of her term by ordering to equate a day spent in pre-trial detention to a day spent in post-sentence imprisonment; the original sentence counted one pre-trial day as equal to 1.5 days of imprisonment. The trial was closed to the public due to classified information, and the basis of the charges against her is not known. Prior to her arrest in July 2025, Shishkina was a journalist and editor at a local newspaper; her columns available on its website discuss the violations of the rights of Russian war veterans, including their and their families’ struggles against attempts by the army to bring some of the wounded back to the frontline in spite of their health issues. Sources: Attorney V.Dubkov’s Telegram channel; Mediazona; Shishkina’s columns in Nomer Odin newspaper)

• Vladimir Silaev (Moscow), a taxi driver, was found guilty of ‘high treason’ by Moscow regional court and sentenced on Aug. 12 to 12 years in high-security colony, 1 year of restriction of liberty and a fine equivalent to about $2,400. The court announcement claims that Silaev ‘assisted a foreign state in activities directed against Russia’s security.' While no further details have been disclosed, his ex-wife told the media that he had been charged with allegedly making pictures of “strategically important facilities” in Moscow on assignment from Ukrainian intelligence. (Sources: Moscow regional court; Mediazona)

• Aleksandr Gniteyev (Yekaterinburg), 39-year-old programmer and manager of an IT firm, was sentenced on Aug. 14 by a district court in Yekaterinburg to 5 years of high-security colony for ‘financing extremist activities.’ Charges against Gniteyev were based on his donations to Aleksey Navalny’s Anti-Corruption Foundation, for a total of about $42. According to the media, he pleaded guilty and ‘accepted responsibility.' This is a second jail term for Gniteyev: in 2012, he was convicted of selling classified military information to the US intelligence, also pleaded guilty, and was sentenced to 8 years of imprisonment. (Source: Mediazona)

• Olga Yakovleva (Tver region), a 46-year-old warehouse worker, was convicted by the 2nd Western district military court of ‘public justification of terrorism’ and sentenced to 5 years in penal colony. The case against her was based on her alleged online comments which, according to the prosecution, justified military actions against Russia, including by the Russian Volunteer Corps (another armed formation by Russian exiles fighting on the Ukrainian side against the Russian army). The official news stated that Yakovleva was opposed to Vladimir Putin’s policies, specifically on Ukraine. These details became public on Aug. 4; Yakovleva was sentenced on July 23 (her case was covered with less detail in our previous issue). She was also added to Russia’s official register of ‘terrorists and extremists.' (Source: Mediazona)

• Vasily Ptashinsky (Moscow region), a 51-year-old former village priest, was sentenced on Aug. 11 by the 2nd Western district military court to 3 years and 9 months in penal colony for ‘justification of terrorism’ and ‘public exhortations directed against the security of the state’. The case against him was based on his alleged online posts in which, according to the prosecution, he was calling for an assassination of Putin, was urging Russian servicemen to defect to the Ukrainian side, and “was promoting the practices and the ideology” of the Freedom for Russia Legion. Ptashinsky is also listed in Russia’s register of ‘terrorists and extremists.’ (Source: Mediazona,)

• Anonymous defendant: On Aug. 14, the Northern Fleet Military Court found a resident of Arkhangelsk (whose name has not been disclosed) guilty of ‘financing terrorism’ and sentenced him to 8 years of imprisonment, including 3 years in jail and 5 in penal colony. Charges were based on his alleged attempt to transfer an equivalent of about $6 to a bank account that, according to the prosecution, was “connected to the Freedom for Russia Legion”; the transfer did not complete as it was blocked by the bank. (Source: Mediazona)


3. Involuntary emigration: former antiwar presidential candidate Boris Nadezhdin escapes from Russia.

On Aug. 3, Nadezhdin, a former right-of-center federal legislator and anti-war presidential candidate who was blocked from running, posted a video from Paris indicating that he had left Russia. Prior to his departure he was subjected to intense pressure by the authorities, which was covered in some detail in our previous issue, and was threatened with imprisonment. In Nadezhdin’s own words, he had to choose between emigration and imprisonment. (Nadezhdin’s Telegram channel)

4. International response

UN Special Rapporteur on human rights in Russia issues statement about the new law restricting government services to Russia’s exiles found guilty of political crimes

On Aug. 4, Vladimir Putin signed into law the bill that restricts legal, financial, and consular services to Russians abroad who have been convicted in absentia of crimes as well as such smaller offenses as violations of the responsibilities of ‘foreign agents’, participation in ‘undesirable organizations,’ ‘disparaging the army’, calling for sanctions against Russian entities or making statements that the authorities view as questioning Russia’s territorial integrity.

On Aug. 13, Mariana Katzarova, the UN Special Rapporteur on human rights in Russia, issued a statement characterizing this law as “a targeted punishment of anti-war voices and Government critics en masse, designed to make life outside Russia unsustainable” and as “a severe form of transnational repression. States hosting Russians at risk should ensure they can obtain and renew identity and travel documents, regularise their residence, retain access to banking and employment, and should not forcibly return them, or give legal effect to designations under this law.” (Source: UN)

* * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * *

This Digest is produced under the direction of Dr. Dmitri Daniel Glinski.

We provide selective coverage of antiwar and/or pro-Ukraine activities in Russia based on Russian open sources, which only represent the tip of the iceberg, as many of the reprisals go unreported by the media or are reported with insufficient details to establish a direct connection to the war in Ukraine.

The previous issue, covering the preceding two weeks, can be found here. This Digest is a continuation of our previous newsletter, ‘THE RUSSIA OF TOMORROW: Antiwar Resistance & Human Rights Defense Digest’, which can be found on the same website.

Founded in 2012, ARA is the oldest grassroots organizing and advocacy network of pro-democracy, antiwar and anti-imperial exiles from Russia together with refugees from Ukraine and immigrants from other ex-Soviet countries in the US. Since 2014, it has led the ongoing Antiwar Dialogue and Action of Ukrainian- and Russian-Americans, via joint events in support of Ukraine, Russian political prisoners, and against Putin's dictatorship. ARA has groups and representatives across the United States and is an official partner of the Stockholm-based Global Democracy Coalition. For more information, please see https://amrusrights.wordpress.com/.