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Mmirioma Africa Movement - M.A.M Mmirioma Africa Movement (MAM) This is non profit organisation for all like minds in Africa. MAM is organisation for all Africans in the world.

We are moving train for one united and indivisible Africa.

15/03/2026

The tortoise survives not by speed, but by knowing when to withdraw itself from trouble.
~African proverb.

Why should Ooni of Ife be the permanent Chairman of Council of Southern  Traditional rulers?What the fulanis did to the ...
24/02/2026

Why should Ooni of Ife be the permanent Chairman of Council of Southern Traditional rulers?

What the fulanis did to the Hausa kingdom is what the Yorubas are trying to do to the Igbo nation,the Sultan is the permanent Chairman of traditional council in Northern Nigeria and the Yorubas are trying to do same in Southern part by making Ooni permanent chairman.

I Ben Nnadi reject that organisation and calls for Eastern Traditional rulers to boycott such council because it is against our culture ad a people, remember the Igbo man can not be subjected to second class citizen in Nigeria and I regard move as an insult to the igbo traditional institution as a child of an OFOR holder in Igbo land.

Ben Nnadi.

๐—ง๐—ต๐—ฒ ๐—”๐—ฏ๐˜‚๐—ฟ๐—ถ ๐—”๐—ฐ๐—ฐ๐—ผ๐—ฟ๐—ฑ: ๐—Ÿ๐—ผ๐˜€๐˜ ๐—ข๐—ฝ๐—ฝ๐—ผ๐—ฟ๐˜๐˜‚๐—ป๐—ถ๐˜๐—ถ๐—ฒ๐˜€ ๐—ฎ๐—ป๐—ฑ ๐—œ๐˜๐˜€ ๐—œ๐—บ๐—ฝ๐—ฎ๐—ฐ๐˜ ๐—ผ๐—ป ๐—ฃ๐—ฟ๐—ฒ๐˜€๐—ฒ๐—ป๐˜-๐——๐—ฎ๐˜† ๐—ก๐—ถ๐—ด๐—ฒ๐—ฟ๐—ถ๐—ฎ, ๐—œ๐—ป๐—ฐ๐—น๐˜‚๐—ฑ๐—ถ๐—ป๐—ด ๐—•๐—ฒ๐—ป๐˜‚๐—ฒ ๐—ฆ๐˜๐—ฎ๐˜๐—ฒ๐—œ๐—ป๐˜๐—ฟ๐—ผ๐—ฑ๐˜‚๐—ฐ๐˜๐—ถ๐—ผ๐—ปThe Aburi A...
18/11/2025

๐—ง๐—ต๐—ฒ ๐—”๐—ฏ๐˜‚๐—ฟ๐—ถ ๐—”๐—ฐ๐—ฐ๐—ผ๐—ฟ๐—ฑ: ๐—Ÿ๐—ผ๐˜€๐˜ ๐—ข๐—ฝ๐—ฝ๐—ผ๐—ฟ๐˜๐˜‚๐—ป๐—ถ๐˜๐—ถ๐—ฒ๐˜€ ๐—ฎ๐—ป๐—ฑ ๐—œ๐˜๐˜€ ๐—œ๐—บ๐—ฝ๐—ฎ๐—ฐ๐˜ ๐—ผ๐—ป ๐—ฃ๐—ฟ๐—ฒ๐˜€๐—ฒ๐—ป๐˜-๐——๐—ฎ๐˜† ๐—ก๐—ถ๐—ด๐—ฒ๐—ฟ๐—ถ๐—ฎ, ๐—œ๐—ป๐—ฐ๐—น๐˜‚๐—ฑ๐—ถ๐—ป๐—ด ๐—•๐—ฒ๐—ป๐˜‚๐—ฒ ๐—ฆ๐˜๐—ฎ๐˜๐—ฒ

๐—œ๐—ป๐˜๐—ฟ๐—ผ๐—ฑ๐˜‚๐—ฐ๐˜๐—ถ๐—ผ๐—ป

The Aburi Accord remains one of the most consequential missed opportunities in Nigerian history. Signed in January 1967 in Aburi, Ghana, the agreement was meant to avert war and restructure Nigeria into a more equitable federation. If implemented, the accord could have changed the political, economic, and security trajectory of the country. Instead, its failure contributed to the outbreak of the civil war and continues to shape the challenges Nigeria faces todayโ€”including the ongoing crises in Benue State.

๐—ช๐—ต๐—ฎ๐˜ ๐—ช๐—ฎ๐˜€ ๐˜๐—ต๐—ฒ ๐—”๐—ฏ๐˜‚๐—ฟ๐—ถ ๐—”๐—ฐ๐—ฐ๐—ผ๐—ฟ๐—ฑ?

The Aburi Accord was a peace agreement between the Federal Military Government led by General Yakubu Gowon and the Eastern Region led by Lt. Colonel Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu. The core of the agreement was true federalism, where regions retained autonomy over resources, security, and political administration.

Simply put, the accord proposed a decentralized Nigeria where power belonged to the regionsโ€”not a central government.

๐—•๐—ฒ๐—ป๐—ฒ๐—ณ๐—ถ๐˜๐˜€ ๐—ถ๐—ณ ๐˜๐—ต๐—ฒ ๐—”๐—ฏ๐˜‚๐—ฟ๐—ถ ๐—”๐—ฐ๐—ฐ๐—ผ๐—ฟ๐—ฑ ๐—›๐—ฎ๐—ฑ ๐—•๐—ฒ๐—ฒ๐—ป ๐—œ๐—บ๐—ฝ๐—น๐—ฒ๐—บ๐—ฒ๐—ป๐˜๐—ฒ๐—ฑ

๐Ÿญ. ๐—ง๐—ฟ๐˜‚๐—ฒ ๐—™๐—ฒ๐—ฑ๐—ฒ๐—ฟ๐—ฎ๐—น๐—ถ๐˜€๐—บ ๐—ฎ๐—ป๐—ฑ ๐—ฅ๐—ฒ๐—ด๐—ถ๐—ผ๐—ป๐—ฎ๐—น ๐—”๐˜‚๐˜๐—ผ๐—ป๐—ผ๐—บ๐˜†

Nigeria would have likely evolved into a stable federation where each region controlled its resources, security, and development prioritiesโ€”similar to the system working in Canada, Australia, and the United States.

States like Benue, Kaduna, Delta, and Lagos would not depend on Abuja for survival.

๐Ÿฎ. ๐—ฅ๐—ฒ๐—ฑ๐˜‚๐—ฐ๐—ฒ๐—ฑ ๐—˜๐˜๐—ต๐—ป๐—ถ๐—ฐ ๐—ง๐—ฒ๐—ป๐˜€๐—ถ๐—ผ๐—ป๐˜€

By allowing regions to manage their affairs, the tension among the major ethnic groupsโ€”Igbo, Hausa/Fulani, and Yorubaโ€”would have been reduced. The feeling of domination by any region would have been minimized.

๐Ÿฏ. ๐—ฆ๐˜๐—ฟ๐—ผ๐—ป๐—ด๐—ฒ๐—ฟ ๐—ฅ๐—ฒ๐—ด๐—ถ๐—ผ๐—ป๐—ฎ๐—น ๐—ฆ๐—ฒ๐—ฐ๐˜‚๐—ฟ๐—ถ๐˜๐˜†

Under Aburi, regions would have been allowed to control their own police forces and internal security. Issues like herdsmen attacks, banditry, and farmer-herder clashes in Benue might have been prevented or quickly contained by regional authorities.

๐Ÿฐ. ๐—˜๐—ฐ๐—ผ๐—ป๐—ผ๐—บ๐—ถ๐—ฐ ๐—–๐—ผ๐—บ๐—ฝ๐—ฒ๐˜๐—ถ๐˜๐—ถ๐˜ƒ๐—ฒ๐—ป๐—ฒ๐˜€๐˜€

Regions would have had the freedom to develop their resources. The Eastern region would pursue technological advancement, the Northern region agriculture, and the Western region trade and industry. Nigeria would have developed faster through healthy competitionโ€”not political favoritism.

๐Ÿฑ. ๐—ก๐—ผ ๐—–๐—ถ๐˜ƒ๐—ถ๐—น ๐—ช๐—ฎ๐—ฟ, ๐—Ÿ๐—ฒ๐˜€๐˜€ ๐—•๐—น๐—ผ๐—ผ๐—ฑ๐˜€๐—ต๐—ฒ๐—ฑ

If Aburi had been honored, the Nigerian Civil War (1967โ€“1970), which claimed over 3 million lives, might never have happened. Nigeria would have entered the 1970s with unity and progress, not destruction and trauma.

๐—ช๐—ต๐˜† ๐—š๐—ผ๐˜„๐—ผ๐—ป ๐—ฅ๐—ฒ๐—ท๐—ฒ๐—ฐ๐˜๐—ฒ๐—ฑ ๐—ฎ๐—ป๐—ฑ ๐—Ÿ๐—ฎ๐˜๐—ฒ๐—ฟ ๐—•๐—ฟ๐—ผ๐—ธ๐—ฒ ๐˜๐—ต๐—ฒ ๐—”๐—ฏ๐˜‚๐—ฟ๐—ถ ๐—”๐—ฐ๐—ฐ๐—ผ๐—ฟ๐—ฑ

There are several reasons historians point to:

๐Ÿญ. ๐—ฃ๐—ฟ๐—ฒ๐˜€๐˜€๐˜‚๐—ฟ๐—ฒ ๐—ณ๐—ฟ๐—ผ๐—บ ๐—ก๐—ผ๐—ฟ๐˜๐—ต๐—ฒ๐—ฟ๐—ป ๐—ฃ๐—ผ๐˜„๐—ฒ๐—ฟ ๐—•๐—ฟ๐—ผ๐—ธ๐—ฒ๐—ฟ๐˜€

Influential northern politicians and military officers believed Aburi gave too much power to Ojukwu and would weaken federal control. They wanted a Nigeria where the center dominated the regions.

๐Ÿฎ. ๐—–๐—ผ๐—ป๐˜๐—ฟ๐—ผ๐—น ๐—ผ๐—ณ ๐—ข๐—ถ๐—น

By 1967, crude oil from the Eastern region (now South-South) had become Nigeriaโ€™s economic lifeline. Implementing Aburi would allow the East to control oil revenueโ€”something the military government did not want.

๐Ÿฏ. ๐—™๐—ฒ๐—ฎ๐—ฟ ๐—ผ๐—ณ ๐—˜๐—ฎ๐˜€๐˜๐—ฒ๐—ฟ๐—ป ๐—ฆ๐—ฒ๐—ฐ๐—ฒ๐˜€๐˜€๐—ถ๐—ผ๐—ป

Gowon and his advisers believed that giving full autonomy would eventually lead to a breakaway Biafra. Instead of granting autonomy, they chose war.

๐Ÿฐ. ๐—œ๐—ป๐—ณ๐—น๐˜‚๐—ฒ๐—ป๐—ฐ๐—ฒ ๐—ผ๐—ณ ๐—•๐—ฟ๐—ถ๐˜๐—ถ๐˜€๐—ต ๐—œ๐—ป๐˜๐—ฒ๐—ฟ๐—ฒ๐˜€๐˜๐˜€

Britain, still holding major oil interests in Nigeria, preferred a single centralized government. A decentralized federation might weaken foreign influence over Nigeriaโ€™s resources.

๐—›๐—ผ๐˜„ ๐˜๐—ต๐—ฒ ๐—™๐—ฎ๐—ถ๐—น๐˜‚๐—ฟ๐—ฒ ๐—ผ๐—ณ ๐—”๐—ฏ๐˜‚๐—ฟ๐—ถ ๐—”๐—ณ๐—ณ๐—ฒ๐—ฐ๐˜ ๐—ก๐—ถ๐—ด๐—ฒ๐—ฟ๐—ถ๐—ฎ ๐—ง๐—ผ๐—ฑ๐—ฎ๐˜†

๐Ÿญ. ๐—ข๐˜ƒ๐—ฒ๐—ฟ-๐—–๐—ฒ๐—ป๐˜๐—ฟ๐—ฎ๐—น๐—ถ๐˜‡๐—ฎ๐˜๐—ถ๐—ผ๐—ป ๐—ผ๐—ณ ๐—ฃ๐—ผ๐˜„๐—ฒ๐—ฟ

One of Nigeriaโ€™s biggest problems today is the excessive power of the Federal Government. States remain weak and dependent, unable to control their resources, police their regions, or develop independently.

๐Ÿฎ. ๐—ฃ๐—ฒ๐—ฟ๐˜€๐—ถ๐˜€๐˜๐—ฒ๐—ป๐˜ ๐—˜๐˜๐—ต๐—ป๐—ถ๐—ฐ ๐—–๐—ฟ๐—ถ๐˜€๐—ฒ๐˜€

Because the demands of different regions were never settled, Nigeria continues to battle ethnic suspicion, agitation, and separatist movements (e.g., IPOB, Oduduwa Republic, Arewa nationalism).

๐Ÿฏ. ๐—ฆ๐—ฒ๐—ฐ๐˜‚๐—ฟ๐—ถ๐˜๐˜† ๐—•๐—ฟ๐—ฒ๐—ฎ๐—ธ๐—ฑ๐—ผ๐˜„๐—ปโ€”๐—˜๐˜…๐—ฎ๐—บ๐—ฝ๐—น๐—ฒ: ๐—•๐—ฒ๐—ป๐˜‚๐—ฒ ๐—ฆ๐˜๐—ฎ๐˜๐—ฒ

Benue is today a battlefield between farmers and armed herdsmen. If Aburi had been implemented:

Benue State would control its land and security

Regional police would respond faster than Abuja-controlled forces

The federal government would not impose policies like open grazing on states that reject it.

Instead, Benue remains under a centralized military-style security structure that cannot protect rural communities.

๐Ÿฐ. ๐—˜๐—ฐ๐—ผ๐—ป๐—ผ๐—บ๐—ถ๐—ฐ ๐—จ๐—ป๐—ฑ๐—ฒ๐—ฟ๐—ฑ๐—ฒ๐˜ƒ๐—ฒ๐—น๐—ผ๐—ฝ๐—บ๐—ฒ๐—ป๐˜

Most states today queue in Abuja to collect monthly allocation. If Aburi had been implemented, regions would generate and keep their resources. This would drive competition and innovation.

๐Ÿฑ. ๐—˜๐—ป๐—ฑ๐—น๐—ฒ๐˜€๐˜€ ๐—–๐—ฎ๐—น๐—น๐˜€ ๐—ณ๐—ผ๐—ฟ ๐—ฅ๐—ฒ๐˜€๐˜๐—ฟ๐˜‚๐—ฐ๐˜๐˜‚๐—ฟ๐—ถ๐—ป๐—ด

What Nigerians are now demanding as โ€œrestructuringโ€ is exactly what Aburi offered in 1967. The failure of that agreement is the reason restructuring remains the loudest political debate today.

๐—–๐—ผ๐—ป๐—ฐ๐—น๐˜‚๐˜€๐—ถ๐—ผ๐—ป

The Aburi Accord could have prevented civil war, strengthened Nigeriaโ€™s unity through autonomy, and saved the country from decades of insecurity, corruption, and ethnic distrust.

Its failure created a centralized system that still struggles to govern a multi-ethnic nation. Benue Stateโ€™s present sufferingโ€”farmer-herder violence, weak state security powers, and federal political interferenceโ€”is a direct example of the consequences.

Until Nigeria revisits the spirit of Aburiโ€”true federalism, regional autonomy, and equitable power-sharingโ€”the problems that began in 1967 will continue to haunt the country.

๐—™๐—ถ๐—ป๐—ฎ๐—น ๐—ช๐—ผ๐—ฟ๐—ฑ

Aburi was not just a missed agreement; it was a missed future.
Everything Nigeria is fighting for todayโ€”resource control, restructuring, state policeโ€”was already agreed upon in Aburi.

History continues to remind us:

๐—” ๐—ป๐—ฎ๐˜๐—ถ๐—ผ๐—ป ๐˜๐—ต๐—ฎ๐˜ ๐—ถ๐—ด๐—ป๐—ผ๐—ฟ๐—ฒ๐˜€ ๐—ท๐˜‚๐˜€๐˜๐—ถ๐—ฐ๐—ฒ ๐˜„๐—ถ๐—น๐—น ๐—ฎ๐—น๐˜„๐—ฎ๐˜†๐˜€ ๐—ฟ๐—ฒ๐˜๐˜‚๐—ฟ๐—ป ๐˜๐—ผ ๐˜๐—ต๐—ฒ ๐—ฝ๐—ผ๐—ถ๐—ป๐˜ ๐—ผ๐—ณ ๐—ฐ๐—ผ๐—ป๐—ณ๐—น๐—ถ๐—ฐ๐˜.

โ€œPresident Trump and the American military cannot defeat Boko Haram terrorists in Nigeria. The best solution is to negot...
04/11/2025

โ€œPresident Trump and the American military cannot defeat Boko Haram terrorists in Nigeria. The best solution is to negotiate with themโ€. - Sheikh Gumi

America since 1982 vs Cameroon since 1982
29/10/2025

America since 1982 vs Cameroon since 1982

Longest Serving Presidents in Africa.1. Teodoro Obiang - Equatorial Guinea ๐Ÿ‡ฌ๐Ÿ‡ถ- 46years2. Paul Biya - Cameroon ๐Ÿ‡จ๐Ÿ‡ฒ - 43yea...
29/10/2025

Longest Serving Presidents in Africa.

1. Teodoro Obiang - Equatorial Guinea ๐Ÿ‡ฌ๐Ÿ‡ถ- 46years

2. Paul Biya - Cameroon ๐Ÿ‡จ๐Ÿ‡ฒ - 43years

3. Denis Sassou Nguesso - Congo ๐Ÿ‡จ๐Ÿ‡ฌ - 41years

4. Yoweri Museveni - Uganda ๐Ÿ‡บ๐Ÿ‡ฌ- 39years

5. Isaias Afwerki - Eritrea ๐Ÿ‡ช๐Ÿ‡ท - 32years

6. Ismaรฏl Omar Guelleh - Djibouti ๐Ÿ‡ฉ๐Ÿ‡ฏ - 26

7. Paul Kagame - Rwanda ๐Ÿ‡ท๐Ÿ‡ผ - 25

8. Faure Gnassingbรฉ - Togo ๐Ÿ‡น๐Ÿ‡ฌ - 20

9. Alassane Ouattara - Ivory Coast ๐Ÿ‡จ๐Ÿ‡ฎ - 15

10. Salva Kiir Mayardit - South Sudan ๐Ÿ‡ธ๐Ÿ‡ธ - 14

Source: M.A.M

Understanding Nnamdi Kanuโ€™s Witness ListLesson 101:Now, letโ€™s unpack this whole situation, folksโ€ฆNnamdi Kanu, the leader...
23/10/2025

Understanding Nnamdi Kanuโ€™s Witness List

Lesson 101:

Now, letโ€™s unpack this whole situation, folksโ€ฆ

Nnamdi Kanu, the leader of the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB), is currently standing trial on charges including terrorism, treasonable felony, and managing a unlawful society. The case, ongoing since 2021 at the Federal High Court in Abuja, stems from allegations related to his broadcasts, the formation of the Eastern Security Network (ESN), and purported links to violence like the protests. On October 21, 2025, Kanu filed a motion personally signed, signaling his readiness to open his defense after the prosecution closed its case. He plans to call 23 witnessesโ€”divided into "ordinary but material" and "vital and compellable" categoriesโ€”and requested 90 days to present them, including his own testimony. The "compellable" ones, whom he wants the court to subpoena under Section 232 of the Evidence Act 2011, include high-profile figures like former Attorney-General Abubakar Malami, FCT Minister Nyesom Wike, Works Minister David Umahi, Lagos Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu, retired Lt. Gen. Theophilus Danjuma, and retired Lt. Gen. Tukur Buratai. Others on the list are Imo Governor Hope Uzodimma, ex-Abia Governor Okezie Ikpeazu, former NIA DG Ahmed Rufai Abubakar, and ex-DSS DG Yusuf Bichi.

Kanu's strategy appears to challenge the prosecution's narrative by highlighting inconsistencies in state actions, double standards on security outfits, and procedural irregularities.

1. Babajide Sanwo-Olu (Lagos Governor) and the Link
The prosecution alleges Kanu masterminded the 2020 protests, framing them as violent and IPOB-orchestrated to destabilize the country. However, the Lagos State Judicial Panel of Inquiry (set up by the state government under Sanwo-Olu) investigated the protests and found no such link to Kanu or IPOB. Instead, it documented state repression, including the infamous Lekki Toll Gate shooting on October 20, 2020, where security forces allegedly killed unarmed protesters. The panel's 2021 report blamed the military and police, recommending compensation for victims.

Kanu's motion specifies Sanwo-Olu as a witness to testify on these findings, emphasizing the "state pattern of repression." As the panel was constituted by the Lagos Ministry of Justice (under Sanwo-Olu's administration), his testimony could undermine the prosecution's claim by showing the protests were a legitimate youth-led cry against police brutality, not terrorism. This counters evidence like Kanu's radio broadcasts, which the FG says incited violence.

2. Theophilus Danjuma (Retired Lt. Gen.) and the ESN Formation
Kanu faces charges for establishing ESN in 2020 as an "unlawful society" without government approval, accused of using it for attacks on security forces and civilians in the Southeast. ESN was formed amid rising insecurity from herdsmen attacks and banditry, positioning itself as a community defense force akin to regional vigilantes.

Danjuma, a former Chief of Army Staff and Defense Minister, publicly urged self-defense in a 2018 speech at the maiden edition of the Legacy of Service Award in Rivers State. He said: "If you donโ€™t want to be killed, go and buy your weapons and defend yourself... The government cannot do everything for you." This viral statement (covered by outlets like Premium Times and Channels TV) didn't specify needing official approval and was seen as endorsing civilian resistance to "Fulani herdsmen" violence. Kanu cites it as inspiration for ESN, arguing it's hypocritical to prosecute him while similar outfits (e.g., Amotekun in the Southwest, approved in 2020) operate legally.

The motion lists Danjuma to affirm this "directive" via the video evidence, highlighting selective enforcement. Notably, Danjuma wasn't prosecuted for his remarks, despite them potentially fitting "incitement" charges.

3. Abubakar Malami (Former AGF) and the Extradition from Kenya
This is indeed the most explosive: Kanu's 2021 rendition from Kenya violated international law, including the UN Convention Against Torture and Nigeria's extradition treaty with Kenya, which requires due process. He was allegedly lured from Nairobi under false pretenses by DSS agents, bundled into a plane, and flown to Abuja without formal extradition. The ECOWAS Court ruled in December 2023 that this was unlawful, ordering his release (a ruling the FG has ignored).

As AGF (2015โ€“2023), Malami oversaw prosecutions and reportedly authorized the operation, per leaked diplomatic cables and Kanu's filings. The motion demands Malami testify on the "legal basis" of the abduction, potentially exposing it as rendition (illegal under the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights). This could lead to the charges being dismissed for jurisdictional flaws, as Kanu argues the trial is a sham built on an illegal arrest.

4 Hope Uzodinma: (Imo State Governor) linked to Asari Dokubo's Mercenaries and "Unknown Gunmen" in Igboland: The claim that Imo State Governor Hope Uzodinma is connected to ex-Niger Delta militant leader Asari Dokubo's private militiaโ€”and that these groups are responsible for creating or fueling the "unknown gunmen" phenomenon in Igboland (the Southeast region)โ€”stems primarily from accusations by the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB), a pro-Biafra separatist group. These allegations portray Uzodinma's administration as outsourcing violence to Dokubo's armed men to suppress IPOB's Eastern Security Network (ESN), demonize the Biafra agitation, and maintain political control amid insecurity. Critics, including IPOB spokespeople and some Igbo activists, argue this has led to extrajudicial killings, kidnappings, and mass graves targeting Igbo youths, framing the "unknown gunmen" as state-sponsored chaos rather than genuine separatist insurgents.

5 Tukur Buratai (Ex-COAS): To testify on the 2017 military invasion of Kanu's Afara Ukwu home in Abia State, which killed over 28 civilians (per Amnesty International). This ties to charges of "incitement" but flips it to state brutality.

6 David Umahi (Works Minister, Ex-Ebonyi Gov): As former SEGF chair, to address the 2017 proscription of IPOB, which Kanu calls politically motivated.

7 Nyesom Wike (FCT Minister, Ex-Rivers Gov): Linked to the 2020 Obigbo massacre, where soldiers allegedly killed 20+ IPOB members during , mistaking them for secessionists.

This list turns the trial into a broader indictment of state overreach, forcing officials to confront their roles. The court (Justice Binta Nyako previously, now James Omotosho) has pushed for speedy resolution, but Kanu's move could drag it out. If these witnesses testify, it could pressure the Tinubu administration amid Southeast agitation for Kanu's freedom.

Top government officials are listed among the 23 witnesses for the defence in the treason trial of Nigerian separatist l...
22/10/2025

Top government officials are listed among the 23 witnesses for the defence in the treason trial of Nigerian separatist leader Nnamdi Kanu. Lawyers for the detained Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) founder reportedly intend to call Minister of Federal Capital Territory Nyesom Wike, Minister of Works David Umahi, as well as the former defence minister, ex-chief of army staff and several governors to the stand. The IPOB leader Kanu is expected to open his defense on Friday. Kanu has been in detention since his arrest outside of Nigeria in 2021. IPOB has been fighting to restore the former partially recognized Republic of Biafra that existed in 1967-1970. Mmirioma Africa Movement

She married two Presidents.Became a First lady in two countries...โœ๐ŸฝThere is a woman whose love story feels like legend ...
21/10/2025

She married two Presidents.Became a First lady in two countries...โœ๐Ÿฝ

There is a woman whose love story feels like legend โ€” Graรงa Machel. The only woman in modern history to marry two Presidents and become First Lady of two different countries.

She first shared her life with Mozambiqueโ€™s President Samora Machel โ€” a love full of purpose and power. But when Samora died in the 1986 plane crash, her world fell silent. A queen was left standing, crown in hand, with no king beside her.

Years later, destiny returned โ€” this time in the form of Nelson Rolihlahla Mandela.

Mandela didnโ€™t see a widow to console. He saw a woman who still deserved joy, partnership and sunrise after a long night. With patience, dignity and clarity, he chose her โ€” and she allowed her heart to rise again. When he married her, she became First Lady of South Africa.

One woman.
Two Presidents.
Two nations.
One crown that never touched the ground.

And that is the beauty we often forget:

Real love doesnโ€™t die with tragedy โ€” it learns to live again.
It heals. It rebuilds. It returns in a different season, sometimes in a different home, but always to the same heart that still believes.

The Afrika I wantOne PassportOne stock exchangeOne currencyOne armyOne satelliteOne languageOne curriculumOne leader kin...
10/08/2025

The Afrika I want
One Passport
One stock exchange
One currency
One army
One satellite
One language
One curriculum
One leader king/president
One nation... one country... One people... All present countries are provinces! No boarders....
Just United Afrika... Not states (are colonial) FoT

Leader of his people ๐Ÿ’ฏ
25/01/2025

Leader of his people ๐Ÿ’ฏ

25/01/2025

Wow!
Catch them young, this 3 years old boy can read, write, pronounce and make good sentence with words.
He is an intelligent boy, kudos to his parents for their good work ๐Ÿ‘๐Ÿ‘

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