Rishi Bagree

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Rishi Bagree Posts regarding current affairs

22/09/2026

‘If we haven't controlled our terrorists, they would be roaming on the streets of New York or London"

- Pakistan PM Shehbaz Sharif at UNGA

18/09/2026

Indian economy is dead.
Youth have no jobs.

Nobody has money. Meanwhile at the Apple Store at 5 AM:

A line of “unemployed, broke” youngsters camping overnight to drop ₹1,64,900 on an iPhone 18 Pro like it’s a packet of Maggi.

The same country where “nobody is buying anything” somehow pre-orders so hard that delivery dates jump to October.

The same youth who “can’t find work” somehow find EMI plans, trade-in value, and the will to stand for 12 hours for a phone that costs more than some people’s yearly rent.

If this is a dead economy, someone please tell Apple. Their India store is treating launch day like a concert and treating demand like Diwali + IPL + wedding season combined.Keep posting the obituaries.

The queue is still growing.

06/09/2026

1973 में इंदिरा गाँधी ने न्यायमूर्ति AN Ray को भारत के मुख्य न्यायाधीश के रूप में बैठा दिया वो भी तब जब उनसे वरिष्ठ न्यायधीशों की लिस्ट जैसे न्यायमूर्ति JM शेलात, KS हेगड़े और AN ग्रोवर सामने थी।

अंततः हुआ यह कि नाराज़गी के रूप में इन तीनों न्यायधीशों ने इस्तीफा दे दिया, इसके बाद कांग्रेस ने पार्लियामेंट में जवाब दिया, यह सरकार का काम है कि किसे मुख्य न्यायाधीश रखें और किसको नहीं और हम उसी को बिठाएंगे जो हमारी विचारधारा के पास हो।

और आज वही लोग न्यायाधीशों की आज़ादी की बात करते हैं..

1975 में न्यायाधीश जगमोहन सिन्हा को एक फैसला सुनाना था, फैसला था राजनारायण बनाम इंदिरा गांधी के चुनावी भ्रष्टाचार के मामले का।

उनको फ़ोन आता है जिसमें कहा जाता है, अगर तुमने इंदिरा गाँधी के ख़िलाफ़ फैसला सुनाया, तो अपनी पत्नी से कह देना इस साल करवा चौथ का व्रत न रखें। जिसका न्यायमूर्ति सिन्हा ने आराम से जवाब देते हुए कहा किस्मत से मेरी पत्नी का देहांत 2महीने पहले ही हो चुका है।

इसके बाद न्यायमूर्ति सिन्हा ने एक ऐतिहासिक निर्णय दिया जो आज भी मिसाल के रूप में जाना जाता है। इसने कांग्रेस सरकार की चूलें हिला दी और इसी से बचने के लिए इंदिरा गाँधी और कांग्रेस द्वारा इमरजेंसी जनता पर थोप दी गयी, देश को नहीं, इंदिरा गाँधी को बचाना था।

1976 में AN रे ने इंदिरा गाँधी द्वारा खुद पर किये गए एहसान का बदला चुकाया शिवकांत शुक्ला बनाम ADM जबलपुर के केस में।

उनके द्वारा बैठाई गयी पीठ ने उनके सभी मौलिक अधिकारों को खत्म कर दिया, उस पूरी पीठ में मात्र एक बहादुर न्यायाधीश थें जिनका नाम था न्यायमूर्ति HR खन्ना जिन्होंने अपने साथी मुख्य न्यायाधीश को कहा कि क्या आप खुद को आईने में आँख मिलाकर देख सकते हैं...

इस पीठ में न्यायाधीश AN रे, HR खन्ना, MH बेग, YV चंद्रचूड़ और PN भगवती शामिल थे।

यह सब मुख्य न्यायाधीशों की लिस्ट में आये सिर्फ एक न्यायधीश को छोड़ के जिनका नाम था न्यायाधीश HR खन्ना जी! खन्ना जी को इंदिरा गाँधी की सरकार ने दण्डित किया और अनुभव तथा वरिष्ठता में उनसे नीचे बैठे न्यायाधीश MH बेग को देश का मुख्य न्यायाधीश बना दिया गया।

यह था भारत के लोकतंत्र का हाल कांग्रेस के राज में!

यही न्यायाधीश MH बेग रिटायरमेंट के बाद नेशनल हेराल्ड के डायरेक्टर बना दिये गए, यह नेशनल हेराल्ड अखबार वही अखबार है जिसके घोटाले में आज सोनिया गाँधी और राहुल गाँधी ज़मानत पर छूटे हुए हैं।

यह पूरी तरह से कांग्रेस का अखबार था और एक प्रकार से कांग्रेस के मुखपत्र की तरह काम करता था, आश्चर्यजनक रूप से न्यायाधीश बेग ने अपॉइंटमेंट स्वीकार कर लिया।

राहुल गाँधी का संविधान को खतरा वाले सवाल पर उनके मुँह पर यह जानकारियां मारी जानी चाहिए और उनसे पूछना चाहिए कि क्या इस प्रकार से ही बचाना चाहते हो लोकतंत्र को❓

बात यहीं खत्म नहीं हुई बल्कि 1980 में इंदिरा गाँधी सरकार में वापस आयी और इसी MH बेग को अल्पसंख्यक कमीशन का चैयरमैन नियुक्त कर दिया गया, वह इस पद पर 1988 तक रहे और उनको पद्म विभूषण से राजीव गाँधी की सरकार द्वारा सम्मानित भी किया गया था।

1962 में न्यायाधीश बेहरुल इस्लाम का एक और नया केस सामने आया जो आपको जानना अति आवश्यक है .....

श्रीमान इस्लाम कांग्रेस के राज्य सभा के MP थें, 1962 के दौरान ही और उन्होंने कांग्रेस के टिकट पर लोकसभा का चुनाव भी लड़ा था, हार गए थे।

वो दोबारा 1968 में राज्य सभा के MP बनाये गए, कांग्रेस की ही तरफ से (सीधी सी बात है) उन्होंने 1972 में राज्य सभा से इस्तीफा दे दिया और उनको गुवाहाटी हाई कोर्ट का न्यायाधीश बना दिया गया।

1980 में वो सेवानिवृत्त हो गए परन्तु जब इंदिरा गाँधी 1980 में दोबारा वापस आयी तो इन्हीं श्रीमान इस्लाम को न्यायाधीश बेहरुल इस्लाम की उपाधि वापस दी गयी और सीधे सुप्रीम कोर्ट का न्यायाधीश बना दिया गया, गुवाहाटी हाई कोर्ट से सेवानिवृत्त होने के 9 महीने बाद का यह मामला है भाई साहब!

इंदिरा गांधी पूरी तरह से यह चाहती थी कि सभी न्यायालयों पर उनका कंट्रोल हो, उस समय इमरजेंसी के दौरान इंदिरा गांधी और कांग्रेस पर लगे आरोपों की सुनवाई विभिन्न न्यायालयों में हो रही थी। वो इंदिरा गाँधी के लिए बहुत उपयोगी सिद्ध हुए और साफ तौर पर कांग्रेस के लिए भी।

न्यायाधीश इस्लाम ने एक महीने बाद अपने पद से इस्तीफा दे दिया और फिर एक बार असम के बारपेटा से कांग्रेस के टिकट पर चुनाव लड़े, लोकतंत्र का इससे बड़ा मज़ाक क्या होगा? जिस चुनाव में वो खड़े होने वाले थे उस साल चुनाव नहीं हो पाए अतः उनको एक बार फिर से कांग्रेस की तरफ से राज्य सभा का MP बना दिया गया।

लोकतंत्र के लिए जिस प्रकार से कांग्रेस आज छाती पीट रही है, उसी ने लोकतंत्र का गला सबसे ज़्यादा बार घोंटा है।

06/09/2026

Naaraz Foofa ji aptly captured

28/08/2026

The engineer who designed that house's column structure deserves a national medal.

“91% DELETED NAMES BACK IN BENGAL” - A MISLEADING HEADLINE in Indian Express Here’s the actual breakdown of the appeals....
27/08/2026

“91% DELETED NAMES BACK IN BENGAL”
- A MISLEADING HEADLINE in Indian Express

Here’s the actual breakdown of the appeals.

Out of 27 lakh deletions, only 7 lakh appeals were filed against deletion. That means 20 lakh people did not appeal, effectively accepting the SIR verdict of deletion.

And the remaining 31 lakh appeals were filed seeking further deletions, not against deletion.

Now, headlines are screaming that 91% of 82,782 names are “back” in Bengal’s electoral roll as SIR tribunals dispose of appeals.

But 82,782 is only the number of appeals disposed of, not the number of people who were originally deleted and have now been restored.

Simple math. Context matters.
Headlines shouldn’t replace it.

25/08/2026

Communal Violence Bill :

Everyone must be reminded of the infamous Communal Violence Bill of 2011 during UPA-2

This was no ordinary draft. It was prepared under Sonia Gandhi’s National Advisory Council - the extra-constitutional “kitchen cabinet” that often overshadowed Manmohan Singh’s actual Cabinet. Key figures associated with the drafting process included Farah Naqvi, Aruna Roy and Harsh Mander. Sonia Gandhi, as NAC chair, cleared the draft and reportedly insisted on retaining the minority-centric definition even when some leaders in her party flagged the political risks. Ownership of this document rests squarely with her NAC.

The bill’s central definition of “group” was clear: a religious minority in the state. All the special offences, enhanced accountability provisions, and institutional mechanisms applied only when violence was “knowingly directed” against members of that group. In effect, the special statute treated only minorities as possible victims of “communal and targeted violence.” Offences against the numerical majority in a State remained under ordinary IPC and CrPC.

Clause after clause reinforced the asymmetry. Sexual assault under the bill was defined as acts committed against a person belonging to a “group” by virtue of that membership. Hate propaganda, organised communal violence, financing of such acts, and certain forms of torture followed the same pattern. A member of the majority community in most States simply did not qualify as part of a “group.” Identical crimes against them stayed outside the special law’s enhanced framework.

Public servants faced new offences of dereliction of duty and breach of command responsibility - again framed around failure to protect the defined group. A National Authority for Communal Harmony, Justice and Reparations was proposed with composition rules that required a majority of members from the protected groups. Relief and reparation rights were extended more broadly, but the core criminal architecture remained one-sided.

Then-Prime Minister Manmohan Singh publicly spoke of the need to recognise that “members of the minority community often have a perception of being unfairly targeted.” Digvijaya Singh, Kapil Sibal, P. Chidambaram and other senior Congress leaders backed the legislation. Regional parties raised objections mainly on federalism — the bill’s attempt to expand central powers over what is constitutionally a State subject of law and order. Only the BJP opposed it root and branch, calling out both the federal overreach and the anti-majority bias.

Then-Gujarat Chief Minister Narendra Modi wrote to the Prime Minister describing the proposed legislation as “ill-conceived, poorly drafted and a recipe for disaster.” It was “the most obnoxious piece of legislation in independent India.”

Under this scheme, in a riot involving both communities, only one side’s members would face the special law’s provisions while the other would not. The draft presumed institutional bias only against non-dominant groups and built an entire parallel legal regime on that premise. Defenders claimed the perpetrator could be anyone and that Hindus would be protected where they are minorities (Punjab, Jammu & Kashmir, etc.). That technical defence does not erase the fundamental design: special criminal liability, special presumptions, and special authorities activated primarily when the victim belonged to the defined minority “group.”

This was the product of Sonia Gandhi’s NAC. She chaired the body, steered the process, and stood by the minority-only framing of “group.” A law that creates two tiers of justice based on community identity in communal violence is not neutral. It is discriminatory by design.

Rahul Gandhi and the Congress Party, when they present themselves as an alternative, must first explain whether they still stand by this 2011 architecture. Do they still believe special criminal statutes should treat citizens differently according to whether they are majority or minority in a given State? Or will they finally admit that equal protection under a uniform criminal code is the only principle consistent with the Constitution?

The bill never became law; thanks to the opposition from NDA ruled States, & Social Media. But the fact that it was drafted, cleared and vigorously defended under Sonia Gandhi’s leadership remains a matter of public record. History does not forget such Draconian Bills and intentions towards Hindus.

20/08/2026

🚨 HOW CONGRESS & UNITED FRONT SOLD BIHAR & INDIA’S INTEREST FOR 30 YEARS VIA A TREACHEROUS 1996 GANGA TREATY

The 1996 Indo-Bangladesh Ganga Water Treaty is not some “friendly neighbourly gesture.” It is a deliberate sell-out of Bihar’s water, Bihar’s soil, Bihar’s future – engineered by the United Front government with Congress’s full blessings. And now, as the 30-year deadline approaches, the same lobby wants to quietly renew it again.

Let’s call out the traitors by name.

In December 1996, when Bihar’s rights over the Ganga were surrendered at Farakka, Lalu Prasad Yadav was sitting at the very heart of the United Front government. Congress president was supporting that government from outside. And Sitaram Kesri, a Bihari himself, stayed completely silent while his own state’s interests were butchered. This was the purest form of the Gujral Doctrine - India, the “big brother,” must give unilateral concessions to neighbours without expecting a single drop of reciprocity. The entire bill was dumped on one state: Bihar.

What did this treaty actually do?

At Farakka, when the river flow is 70,000 cusecs or less, water is split 50:50, with 35,000 cusecs guaranteed to each side in alternating 10-day periods from 11 March to 10 May. Sounds fair? It is a cruel joke. That volume of water does not even exist when the Ganga enters Bihar.
At Buxar, the lean-season flow is barely 14,000 cusecs. The water that finally reaches Farakka is generated almost entirely within Bihar’s own 445 km stretch. So one single state – Bihar – is forced to underwrite an international commitment while being denied its ordinary riparian rights.

The Farakka barrage itself, commissioned in 1975 to keep Kolkata Port navigable, has turned into a silt trap. Silt that once flowed to the sea now settles upstream. The Ganga’s *aviralta* (uninterrupted natural flow) is broken. The river bed is rising across Bihar. Water that once stayed in the channel now floods villages. Then the same river turns around and starves us in the lean season. Groundwater is collapsing not only in south Bihar’s drought districts but also in flood-prone Darbhanga and Madhubani. Reservoir storage has averaged a pathetic 35% of capacity over five years.

Nitish Kumar has been shouting this truth for two decades. The data now proves him right.

Bihar did everything the Centre asked. It assessed its requirement till 2050 and placed a demand for 2,000 cusecs before the government committee. The final report gave them only 900 cusecs – less than half – and excluded irrigation completely, with zero published reasoning for the cut. If this system can halve Bihar’s claim so casually, how will renewal of this treaty ever honour it?

This treaty has served India poorly on every front:
- 30-year lock-in with no meaningful exit clause
- Zero reciprocal guarantee from Bangladesh
- Nothing on the Teesta
- Nothing on the wider basin
- Dhaka today openly links the entire bilateral relationship to renewal of this one-sided pact – that is pure leverage against us

The hydrology itself has changed. The 1996 formula rests on flow records from the middle of the last century – before Himalayan glacial retreat and the collapse of dry-season predictability. Committing another 30 years to that outdated arithmetic in a climate-altered basin is pure negligence dressed up as continuity.

There is a deeper principle at stake. India has never scientifically apportioned the Ganga among the states that feed it – Uttarakhand, UP, Bihar, Jharkhand, West Bengal. There is no settled inter-state allocation. How can a nation responsibly commit abroad what it has not first allocated at home? To renew this treaty before fixing that is to repeat the crime of 1996 at even greater cost.

Bihar of 2026 is not the Bihar of 1996. Then they had roughly 7.3 crore people. Today they have more than 13 crore. Yet their water entitlement remains frozen in time.

Let us be crystal clear: Letting the treaty expire on 12 December 2026 is NOT hostility towards Bangladesh. It is not abandonment of water sharing. It is simply the end of a fixed-term contract that has already bled Bihar dry. India must let it die and negotiate afresh – this time after a scientific allocation among basin states, using current hydrological data instead of 1950s records, with shorter review cycles, a real exit clause, and a minimum of 2,000 cusecs for Bihar’s drinking water, irrigation and industry. The National Silt Management Policy must also be notified without delay.

In 1996, Bihar was not even in the room. The country was told that generosity abroad would somehow be its own reward. Thirty years of data have exposed that lie. A treaty that floods one state in July and parches it in April, binds the Union to arithmetic older than most of its citizens, and purchases zero reciprocity, cannot be renewed by default.

Congress and the United Front sold Bihar then.
They must not be allowed to sell Bihar again.
This time Bihar will be in the room.
This time India will negotiate from knowledge and from strength.
Let the 1996 Ganga Treaty lapse.
Let justice finally flow.

This is pure evil wrapped in digital ignorance.A 20-year-old BBA student in Bhopal named Zoheb Khan watched a few Instag...
19/08/2026

This is pure evil wrapped in digital ignorance.

A 20-year-old BBA student in Bhopal named Zoheb Khan watched a few Instagram reels. Just reels. The kind that flash across your screen while you scroll mindlessly. Those reels claimed human testicles were selling for ₹1–1.5 crore in Gulf countries. The algorithm did its job, it fed him more of the same lies until the lie became “truth” in his head.

He decided to become “Dr Zoheb.”

He convinced a few others, including one named Amir and some minors whose names the police are still protecting. Together they targeted a 16-year-old boy who sold pens on the streets of Bhopal. A child from a poor family. A child whose only “crime” was being vulnerable enough to trust strangers.

They took him to an isolated place.
They stabbed him to death.
Then they made a video call to their self-proclaimed “doctor.”

On that call, Zoheb gave them step-by-step instructions on how to cut the testicles from a dead child’s body and pack them in an ice box.

They did it.

Then Zoheb started looking for a buyer in the Gulf.
There was none.
Because the entire story was a hoax. A cheap, viral, money-making lie designed to farm views and engagement.

Only after the murder did the truth hit them. The reels were fake. There was never any market. There was never any crore. There was only a dead child.

The body was found later, decomposed. The mother identified her son by a tattoo. The testicles?
Thrown into a lake. Police divers are still searching for them.

Read that again.

A child is dead because some boys believed Instagram more than their own conscience.
A mother lost her son because an algorithm rewarded lies with reach.
A city is now dragging a lake for body parts because greed met viral misinformation.

This is not just a crime.
This is what happens when young minds treat social media as gospel and human life as a commodity.
This is what happens when we scroll past obvious nonsense without questioning it.
This is what happens when “content” becomes more important than truth, and views become more important than values.

Zoheb and his group didn’t just kill a boy.
They proved how cheap life has become in the age of reels.

No amount of remorse can bring that child back.
No ice box, no lake, no buyer hunt can undo the horror.

If this doesn’t shake you, if this doesn’t make you stop and think twice before believing the next viral “secret market” claim, then we have already lost more than one life.

Share this.
Talk about this.
And for God’s sake, teach the next generation that not everything on Instagram is real and that some “opportunities” are just invitations to hell.

A 16-year-old pen-seller is gone Forever.
Because of a reel.

Zoheb and Amir:

16/08/2026

In 1992, Enron, a prominent U.S. company, planned to establish a power plant in Dabhol, Maharashtra, with a proposed investment of $2 billion. However, fierce local opposition stalled the project, leading Enron to file a $600 million compensation lawsuit against the Indian government.

Under the Vajpayee government, Harish Salve, a distinguished Indian lawyer, was appointed to defend India’s interests in this high-stakes international arbitration.

Shockingly, P. Chidambaram, a prominent Congress leader, served as Enron’s legal counsel, advocating against India’s interests.

When the UPA government came to power in 2004, with Chidambaram as Finance Minister, he could no longer directly represent Enron but continued to provide legal advice, reportedly favouring the company.

In a stunning move, the UPA government removed Harish Salve from the case and appointed Khawar Qureshi, a UK-based lawyer of Pakistani origin, to represent India.

The decision to entrust a sensitive case involving billions in taxpayer money to a foreign lawyer with ties to Pakistan raised serious questions about the Congress-led government’s judgment and priorities.

Despite India’s strong position in the arbitration, the questionable decisions - Chidambaram’s prior ties to Enron and the appointment of Qureshi led to a predictable outcome: India lost the case.

The government was forced to pay substantial settlements of $800 million to Bechtel & General Electric, who had acquired Enron’s stakes after its bankruptcy. Additionally, Qureshi was paid exorbitant legal fees, further burdening Indian taxpayers.

Notably, Khawar Qureshi later represented Pakistan in the Kulbhushan Jadhav case at the International Court of Justice, underscoring the irony of Congress’s choice.
And Guess who represented India - Harish Salve, who won the case and stayed the death sentence of Yadav, along with getting him consular access, only for a Fee of Rs 1.

This episode, often downplayed by the media, highlights a disturbing pattern of mismanagement and questionable loyalties under the Congress-led UPA.

Their handling of the Dabhol case reflects a legacy of decisions that prioritised foreign interests and compromised India’s sovereignty, leaving taxpayers to bear the cost of their failures.

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