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11/03/2026

“ANG TAWAG SA’YO, KARTON” — FR. FLAVIE, MAY MATINDING BANAT SA MGA WALANG PAGGALANG SA HUMAN RIGHTS

Naglabas ng matinding pahayag si Fr. Flavie Villanueva laban sa mga taong umano’y binabalewala ang karapatang pantao, kabilang na ang dating Pangulong Rodrigo Duterte.

Sa kanyang homiliya na ginanap kasabay ng unang anibersaryo ng pag-aresto kay Duterte ng International Criminal Court (ICC), sinabi ng pari na ang mga taong walang pagpapahalaga sa kapwa, sa lipunan, at sa karapatang pantao ay tila nawawalan na ng kanilang pagkatao.

Ikinumpara pa ni Villanueva ang mga ito sa mga karton.

“Wala kang pagpapahalaga sa iyong kapwa, sa lipunan at sa karapatang pantao. Ikaw ang uri pinakamababang ng tao na nilalang sa mundo — ang tawag sa’yo, karton,” ani Fr. Villanueva.

Binanggit din ng pari na madalas magdala ang ilang tagasuporta ni Duterte ng life-size cardboard cutouts ng dating pangulo sa mga rally at pagtitipon, kabilang na ang mga aktibidad na ginanap malapit sa The Hague.

Caption this …. Mine: dalawang maleta in one frame. Comment yours now. Pagalingan sa Caption
06/03/2026

Caption this ….

Mine: dalawang maleta in one frame.

Comment yours now. Pagalingan sa Caption

I, Rodrigo Roa Duterte, wish to waive my right to attend the hearing on the confirmation of charges currently fixed for ...
19/02/2026

I, Rodrigo Roa Duterte, wish to waive my right to attend the hearing on the confirmation of charges currently fixed for 23-27 February 2026.

I understand the consequences of waiving this right which has been thoroughly explained to me by my Counsel and I trust him and his team to challenge the sufficiency of the Prosecution's evidence on my behalf.

I do not wish to follow these proceedings from outside the courtroom through the use of communications technology. An original copy of this waiver and my signature is in the hands of my lawyers.

My reasons are as follows:

I do not recognize the jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court over my person. I am a Filipino citizen forcibly pushed into a jet and renditioned to The Hague in the Netherlands in flagrant contravention of my country's Constitution and of national sovereignty.

My kidnapping was facilitated by the office of the incumbent President of the Philippines with a plane specially chartered for this purpose.

The claim that I oversaw a policy of extra-judicial killings is an outrageous lie. These claims have been peddled by my political opponents for many years and, as my nation knows, they are based on the word of individuals whose credibility has been thoroughly discredited.

I do not wish to attend legal proceedings that I will forget within minutes. I am old, tired, and frail. I wish for this Court to respect my peace inside the cell it has placed me. I have accepted the fact that I could die in prison. But those that desire this fate for me should know that my heart and soul will always remain in the Philippines.

I am proud of my legacy and of my service to my countrymen around the world. Let no one doubt my love for and loyalty to the Filipino nation.

Kaninyo, ako, magpabiling suluguon.

Rodrigo Roa Duterte
The ICC Detention Centre, The Hague, the Netherlands Dated this 17th day of February 2026

31/01/2026

Never again tapos why not😂😂😂😂

28/01/2026
Karma is Digital
16/12/2025

Karma is Digital

KARMA STRIKES ICC: How Callous Judges and Marcos Jr. Betrayed Duterte — and the Court Faces Consequences
By OPTIC Politics | International Editorial | December 16, 2025

The saga of Rodrigo Duterte’s detention at the International Criminal Court is not merely a legal dispute — it is a defining battle over sovereignty, constitutional integrity, and the morality of international justice. Far from an exercise in humane jurisprudence, the ICC’s treatment of Duterte has been marked by a relentless denial of every substantive plea advanced in his defense. The judges overseeing the case did not act with compassion; they acted with rigid, unyielding force, rejecting every meaningful legal motion — while the Marcos Jr. administration in Manila willingly abetted this unconstitutional exodus of a former Philippine president to The Hague. The result is a profound karmic reversal: judges who enforced these denials now find themselves personally entangled in sanctions, their assets frozen, credit cards denied, and financial autonomy curtailed — a stark illustration that overreach carries consequences that eventually strike back.

From the outset, Duterte’s legal team sought relief by filing multiple motions designed to safeguard his dignity, his health, and his constitutional rights. Yet one by one, those motions were denied, dismissed, or rebuffed with clinical detachment. In September 2025, the Pre‑Trial Chamber I rejected his request for interim release, ruling that his continued detention remained “necessary” to ensure his presence at trial, to curtail alleged interference with proceedings, and to prevent the possibility of future offenses should he be freed. The defense had proposed detailed conditions — including electronic monitoring and assurances from a willing host state — but the judges dismissed these as inadequate to contain the “risks” they had attributed to Duterte. They treated Duterte’s age, health, and the inherent compassion due to an elderly statesman as irrelevant to their calculus of risk and control, refusing to balance humane considerations against abstract legal assessments. 

When Duterte’s legal team appealed that denial to the ICC Appeals Chamber in November 2025, the tribunal unanimously upheld the exclusion of every ground raised: that the Pre‑Trial judges had erred in their risk assessment, that they had wrongly dismissed proposed guarantees, and that they had failed to give due weight to humanitarian considerations like Duterte’s advanced age and alleged infirmity. The Appeals Chamber reaffirmed the lower court’s conclusions and declared that no legal or factual error had been established by the defense. Once again, compassion was absent — what the judges delivered was denial, dismissal, and a chilling reaffirmation of rigid control over a detained former president. 

This pattern was not limited to interim release. Duterte’s team also filed a detailed challenge to the ICC’s jurisdiction, arguing that the Philippines’ withdrawal from the Rome Statute should have ended the Court’s authority to continue proceedings against him. The defense contended that Article 127 of the Statute did not allow residual jurisdiction once such withdrawal took effect, and that continuing the case after that point lacked legal basis. The Pre‑Trial Chamber categorically rejected this argument in October 2025, asserting that the preliminary examination — and therefore “matters under consideration” — predated the withdrawal, and asserting jurisdiction accordingly. The motion to postpone or suspend that ruling was rejected along with the substantive challenge itself. The Court left the defense with no legal recourse on this fundamental issue. 

Even procedural pleas were denied. In May 2025, Duterte’s lawyers moved to have two judges excused from ruling on the jurisdiction issue, contending that bias might taint the decision. The ICC rejected this effort, invoking procedural rules to declare that only the judges themselves, not the parties, could seek recusal — essentially dismissing the motion on technical grounds rather than addressing any underlying concern about impartiality. 

In the space between these rejections, the prosecution itself opposed a renewed request for interim release, filing a response in September arguing that no changed circumstances warranted reconsideration of detention. This opposition further reinforced the Court’s posture of no relief, no exceptions, no concessions, even as Duterte’s health and age were cited by his counsel as reasons for compassionate release — arguments that were never substantively engaged by the judges. 

Taken together, these aggregate denials reveal a pattern of unrelenting refusal to grant Duterte any substantive relief: every major motion — interim release, appeal against that denial, challenge to jurisdiction, procedural recusal request, and follow‑on humanitarian appeals — was dismissed or rejected by the ICC without substantive remediation. This is not compassionate jurisprudence; this is a systematic and callous denial of every avenue of relief that might have mitigated the ordeal of an elderly statesman facing foreign incarceration.

Yet the path that brought Duterte to this point was not shaped solely in The Hague. The Ferdinand Marcos Jr. administration in Manila played a central role in facilitating his removal, consenting to or acquiescing in what many Filipinos now regard as an illegal arrest and unconstitutional transfer. By allowing Philippine sovereignty to be discounted and constitutional protections to be overridden, the Marcos government became an agent of international overreach, leaving the nation’s dignity subordinate to external judicial power.

The real irony — or karmic symmetry — is now visible in the consequences that have struck the ICC judges themselves. Several of the very judges who repeatedly denied Duterte’s motions and upheld strict detention have been caught in the web of U.S. sanctions, which have frozen assets, restricted bank access, and impeded daily financial transactions. This is material consequence, not rhetorical flourish: the court’s arbiters now experience constraints not unlike those they imposed — a stark reminder that power exercised without respect for human dignity and sovereign balance invites a reckoning.

Filipinos both at home and abroad see this unfolding narrative with clarity. Abroad, the diaspora may still frame the ICC’s actions within abstract international law, but at home, the picture is unmistakable: Duterte’s pleas were denied at every turn, his charges proceeded even after jurisdiction was challenged, procedural protections were dismissed, and his family’s efforts to bring attention to his age and health were absorbed into a sterile risk assessment machine. Now, as the judges who enforced those denials confront their own restrictions — frozen accounts, limited access to services, personal hardship — the public sees not justice, but a system that devoured its own authority.

Sovereignty cannot be outsourced. Constitutional protections cannot be brushed aside at the behest of an international tribunal that refuses to balance law with humanity. And when domestic authorities enable such overreach, they betray not just a leader, but the nation itself. The ICC’s treatment of Duterte is not an isolated series of administrative decisions; it is a pattern of denial, dismissal, and detachment from the lived experience of an aging former president, and it has now produced consequences for those who wielded that authority.

Karma in this context is neither mystical nor incidental — it is the inevitable pushback that comes when structure without empathy inflicts harm. For Filipinos, the narrative is not about abstract legalism; it is about dignity, constitutional integrity, and the realization that even the most powerful international tribunal is not immune to consequence when it forsakes humanity. The judges may have denied every one of Duterte’s motions, but the universe — and the very real sanctions now affecting those judges — reminds us that unrestrained power always invites retribution.

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